Dear Voter in the Khumalo Senatorial Constituency,

On the 29th March 2008 you have the chance to change the course of Zimbabwean history for the better. Zimbabwe is in such a terrible state that we do not have the luxury of making a mistake. Another 5 years of Zanu PF rule will completely destroy Zimbabwe.

In football terms Zimbabwe was in the Premier league in 1980. Since then it has had the same coach, Robert Mugabe, and his assistants, Zanu PF. In 28 years Mugabe has taken the Zimbabwean team from the Premier league to the bottom of the 4th social league. Next season we will not even be able to play football because the players have no boots, balls or kit. The goal posts have fallen down and ground is overgrown. A football team would never keep such a coach – if Zimbabwe is to have any future it simply must end Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF’s rule.

Vote for Parliamentarians and Councillors who have Bulawayo at Heart

In this election you will be able to vote for President, Senate, House of Assembly and Bulawayo City Council. I think it is important to separate the decision you have to make between voting for President on the one hand and Parliament and Council on the other hand. Let me first address the issue of voting for Senate, House of Assembly and Council. When you vote for these offices I believe the most important question you have to ask is “Who will best represent my interests and the interests of Bulawayo and Matabeleland in Parliament and in Council?”

In answering this question I think it obvious that Zanu PF MPs and Senators have failed Bulawayo and Matabeleland for the 28 years they have been in power. That effectively leaves you with a choice between the MDC (which I am standing for) and the MDC (Tsvangirai) parties. There is a lot of confusion caused by the split in the MDC and that may make your decision difficult. In such a situation it is important to look back on the record of the different candidates over the last 3 decades because a person’s past gives an insight into how they are likely to represent you in future. The MDC leaders, including Gibson Sibanda, Welshman Ncube, Paul Temba Nyathi, Japhet Ndabeni Ncube, and I are all people with a long and consistent track record of standing up for the rights of Zimbabweans and, importantly, for standing up for the interests of the citizens of Bulawayo and Matabeleland. In contrast the local candidates of the MDC (Tsvangirai), such as its Vice President Thoko Khupe, are relative newcomers who are largely dependant on Morgan Tsvangirai’s profile and support for their own status and position. In other words they are not strong and independent leaders in their own right and cannot be relied upon to put the interests of Bulawayo and Matabeleland first in Parliament. They will always have to be subservient to the interests of the leadership in Harvest House in Harare.

Some have expressed concern that our informal alliance with Simba Makoni will reduce our independence. This will not be the case. Our arrangement is nothing like the 1987 unity accord when Zanu PF swallowed up Zapu. All we are doing is endorsing Simba Makoni’s candidacy for President; we are not joining his political organisation. If I am elected I will be elected as an MDC Senator and will be able to vote in the Senate in accordance with my conscience and our MDC policy. In other words we will be able to vote for or against Makoni’s proposed policies when we so choose. Ironically by choosing not to stand against us in any of the seats in Bulawayo Simba Makoni showed that he was far more respectful of Bulawayo’s local leadership than the MDC (Tsvangirai) was. In this regard please note that there are no Makoni candidates standing against any of us – the two people purporting to stand on the Makoni ticket in this area have not been endorsed by the Makoni campaign and are just seeking to ride on the Makoni wave.

Accordingly if you are looking for strong, independent and consistent leadership in Parliament and Council in the Khumalo Senatorial area then I believe that it is more likely to be provided by our MDC team. I have been a human rights lawyer in Bulawayo for 25 years and have always stood up for the rights of the people of Matabeleland. Likewise Japhet Ndabeni Ncube, House of Assembly candidate for Bulawayo Central, has the outstanding record of standing up against Zanu PF for 7 years since 2001 as Mayor. He fiercely represented the interests of the victims of Murambatsvina and almost single-handedly prevented ZINWA from taking over our water supplies. I have known Yasmine Toffa, our House of Assembly candidate for Bulawayo East, for over 20 years and although a relative newcomer to politics she has always demonstrated in her life a heart for the downtrodden and I have no doubt that the three of us will work well together as a team representing your interests in Parliament without fear or favour. Likewise our five Council candidates, Beauty Kerr (Ward 1), Stephen Mkwananzi (Ward 2), Michaki Ngwenya (Ward 3), Paul Malaba (Ward 4) and Dr. Garry Ferguson (Ward 5) are all outstanding members of our team who will forcefully and effectively represent your interests in the Bulawayo City Council. I do not believe that you can have the same confidence in the candidates put forward by the MDC (Tsvangirai).

Who will beat Mugabe?

There are 3 serious contenders for the office of President, namely Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Simba Makoni. For the reason mentioned above no one in their right mind can possibly vote for the coach that has been in control of the Zimbabwean team for 28 years and has all but ruined it. Accordingly you will have to choose between Morgan Tsvangirai and Simba Makoni. In making this decision you need to answer a different question to the one posed above regarding the Parliamentary and Council elections. If Robert Mugabe is the person who has been in charge for 28 years and who is responsible for the destruction of our country it follows that until he goes we will not be able to start rebuilding our lives and our country. Accordingly the most important question we have to ask as we go into the voting booth is: “Who of Morgan Tsvangirai and Simba Makoni is most likely to defeat Robert Mugabe?”

In answering this question there is no point in being sentimental because our country has no more time left. It is imperative that we remove Robert Mugabe from office – that is all important because until we do so the horrors Zimbabwe is experiencing will just continue. In answering the question we must consider hard facts, not propaganda, because elections are won by people who manage to get the most ballots in their favour in the box – and in Zimbabwe by people who are best able to protect their ballots so that they are correctly counted. We cannot allow ourselves to be persuaded by propaganda such as exaggerated claims of numbers of people attending rallies – a tactic used by Zanu PF for so long and now being used by the MDC (Tsvangirai) as well.

Accordingly in answering the question we must consider the following facts:

1. Who ever captures the rural the rural vote will win

Approximately 60% of Zimbabweans live in the rural areas. It follows that a Presidential candidate cannot win an election unless he or she manages to get substantial support from rural voters. That is made especially difficult in Zimbabwe because of Zanu PF’s control of food and the flow of information to rural areas. It has been exceptionally difficult for the opposition to make inroads into most rural areas which have effectively been no go areas. One of the most shocking revelations I had as Legal Secretary of the formerly united MDC was when we finally managed to examine the Presidential ballot boxes from the 2002 election in late 2005. When we launched the court challenge against Mugabe’s March 2002 election I had always thought that Mugabe had only won through massive fraud and rigging. What surprised me when we examined the voting materials in 2005 was that although there was some fraud and rigging, and that Morgan Tsvangirai had actually won the election, his margin of victory was relatively small – only about 70,000 votes. In other words what we established was that Mugabe in 2002 did actually get real votes in large numbers in the rural areas of Mashonaland especially. Whilst we all know that if it were not for Zanu PF propaganda and intimidation rural voters would vote differently we should never underestimate the grip that Zanu PF still holds in those same areas where the bulk of Zimbabwean voters live. Whilst Mugabe is undoubtedly now very unpopular throughout the country we have to question whether there is any evidence that Zanu PF’s grip (as opposed to Mugabe’s grip) has loosened in those areas. Likewise we must examine whether there is evidence that Morgan Tsvangirai has managed to penetrate the same areas. Whilst the opposition has made some inroads into Zanu PF’s support base Morgan Tsvangirai cannot be confident that he enjoys widespread support in most rural areas. In contrast there is evidence that Simba Makoni has the ability to secure large numbers of votes from these areas. Not only has he been warmly received in rural areas (where he has focussed his campaign) throughout the country but also there are growing signs of a whispering campaign within Zanu PF itself in support of Makoni. In the week ended the 15th March there were at least two reports in the government controlled press of Cabinet Ministers Obert Mpofu and Webster Shamu complaining to Mugabe about a whispering campaign being conducted against Mugabe in support of Makoni in rural areas. In short I believe that Makoni stands a much better chance of attracting this crucial rural vote than Morgan Tsvangirai does.

2. Hundreds of thousands of opposition voters have left Zimbabwe and will not vote

Since the last Presidential election some 2 million Zimbabweans have left Zimbabwe and are now resident in South Africa, Botswana and elsewhere. Most of them are aged between the age of 20 and 40. Nearly all of them would have voted for the opposition but will not be able to do so because they will not return to Zimbabwe for the election. It is no wonder that Mugabe has done little to stop people from leaving Zimbabwe because he knows that every person who leaves is one less person who will vote against him. This is of course a tragedy but it is also a reality in this election that we simply cannot ignore. This block of people may well have voted for Morgan Tsvangirai but will not be able to do so. It is equally a fact that the vast majority of people who left were urban based people. In other words less people proportionately have left from former Zanu PF strongholds than have left from traditionally opposition strongholds. It follows that proportionately Zanu PF has suffered less from the exodus of people than the opposition has.

3. The October 2005 MDC split will reduce support for Morgan Tsvangirai in Matabeleland

Whatever the reason for the split which occurred in the MDC in October 2005, and whoever is to blame for that split, the fact remains that the split damaged the opposition and has caused confusion and discouragement, which in turn often leads to apathy. That is particularly so in Matabeleland which was a critically important area for Morgan Tsvangirai in 2002. In that election Morgan Tsvangirai secured over 80% of the vote in Bulawayo and slightly less than that in the rural areas of Matabeleland. Tsvangirai will be hard pressed to get anything like that support this election because he does not have a unified team campaigning for him as was the case in 2002. Furthermore because of the weakness of MDC (MT) political structures in every Rural District Council (RDC) area of Matabeleland aside from Binga, Matobo, Gwanda and Beitbridge very few MDC (MT) council candidates were nominated. For example in Mangwe RDC the MDC (MT) did not nominate a single candidate; in Nkayi only 2 candidates out of 30 Wards were nominated and that is typical of most RDCs in Matabeleland. Without councillors at grassroots level campaigning for him Morgan Tsvangirai is going to find it difficult to attract the same votes in these areas as he secured in 2002.

4. The Matibenga issue will reduce support for Morgan Tsvangirai countrywide

In 22 constituencies countrywide there are two MDC (MT) candidates nominated. In the Midlands it is especially bad; in 11 constituencies a faction within the MDC (MT) faction, led by Patrick Kombayi, who is aligned to Lucia Matibenga, the former Chairperson the MDC (MT) Women’s League, has nominated candidates under the banner of the MDC (MT). In the last week that factionalism, if press reports are to be believed, erupted into violence in Shurugwi. In 2002 the Midlands was another key area of support where Morgan Tsvangirai secured a large number of votes. The chaos within the MDC (MT) in Midlands Province will almost certainly damage the support Morgan Tsvangirai has there and lead to a reduction in the numbers of people who would otherwise have voted for him.

My intention is not to depress but these are hard facts we simply cannot ignore. Whilst the MDC (MT) has made some inroads in certain rural areas since 2002 the key questions are what level of penetration into rural areas has been achieved and is that penetration enough to make up for the support Tsvangirai has lost in other areas since 2002, as set out above? I see little evidence that the MDC (MT) has made any significant inroads into Zanu PF’s support base, for example, in the depths of the Mashonaland rural areas. In contrast judging by the reports of Makoni’s rallies in those areas, and the “whispering campaign” going on it appears as if Makoni may well attract large numbers of votes from those former Zanu PF strongholds. What is certain is that Makoni is more likely to receive votes from disaffected rural Zanu PF supporters than Tsvangirai. In addition Makoni has attracted good crowds in all the major urban areas; they have been as big as the crowds attracted by Tsvangirai but when added to his rural support are sufficient to win the election against Mugabe. And so for purely practical reasons I believe that one should vote for Makoni because he stands the best chance of beating Mugabe.

Is it morally right to support Simba Makoni?

Some people, especially those who support Morgan Tsvangirai, argue that it is immoral to support Simba Makoni because of his association with Zanu PF for 3 decades.

The miracle that unfolded in South Africa in the early 1990s occurred because Nelson Mandela and the ANC were prepared to forgive the National Party and leaders like F.W. De Klerk for their role in apartheid. Much of that spirit of forgiveness stemmed from the fact that Mr de Klerk was prepared to humble himself by giving up the trappings of power and to turn away from the evil past of apartheid. The combination of the spirit of forgiveness, on the one hand, and the turning away from evil, on the other, contributed greatly to the healing that took place in South Africa in the 1990s.

Zimbabwe is in a similar place of distress as South Africa was in 1990. Our problems are so grave and seemingly intractable that we will not be able to save our land unless all responsible and patriotic Zimbabweans display a similar spirit of forgiveness and turning away from evil.

It is in that context that these attacks on Simba Makoni are so unfortunate. He is accused of being complicit in the Gukurahundi genocide, the Murambatsvina atrocity and other human rights violations, through his silence.

What is undeniable is that Simba Makoni has been in Zanu PF since independence but that alone does not make him complicit. In my capacity as Director of the Bulawayo Legal Projects Centre in the 1980s and 1990s I played a leading role in the investigation and reporting of the Gukurahundi genocide which culminated in the publication in 1997 of the report “Breaking the Silence” by our parent organisation the Legal Resources Foundation. Simba Makoni was never implicated in the Gukurahundi. Indeed our investigations revealed that it was perpetrated by a relatively small cabal around Robert Mugabe. Many even in the military itself did not know exactly what was planned and what happened.

As regards Murambatsvina the facts are that Makoni resigned, in an unprecedented and brave act, from cabinet in 2002, well before Murambatsvina took place. We also know that the reason he resigned was because he disagreed with a host of Zanu PF policies. We also know that he has fought a lone battle within the Politburo trying to reform Zanu PF from within. In the past year he has spoken out publicly against Zanu PF’s abuses including the shocking torture of Morgan Tsvangirai and other opposition leaders in March last year. He has even visited victims such as Grace Kwinjeh and Sekai Holland in hospital. There is no evidence to show that Makoni supported all these horrors.

We may criticise him for staying within Zanu PF for so long but it is wrong to say that he has agreed with all that has happened in Zimbabwe since independence. Even if I am incorrect in my assessment of Makoni’s past and intentions, what we know for certain now is that he has broken from Zanu PF in an astonishingly brave move. His manifesto indicates that he stands for the right things, including national reconciliation and a new democratic constitution. I believe Makoni wants to heal our land.

In my view this courageous move should be supported, not criticised. What we need in return is for Simba Makoni to show that this is a genuine turning away from Zanu PF’s evil past – but I think he has already demonstrated that through his actions and words during the last few weeks.

What I have no doubt about is that if our friends in the MDC (MT) were to join forces with us Mugabe would not have a hope of winning this election. Sadly though the MDC (MT) appears determined to go it alone. However that fact should not deter us from giving our wholehearted support to Simba Makoni; now is the time for all patriotic Zimbabweans to work together to bring Robert Mugabe’s ruinous and brutal dictatorship to an end.

Isn’t this yet another cunning Mugabe trick?

Some people fear that Makoni’s candidacy is just another trick concocted by Mugabe to perpetuate Zanu PF rule. For reasons I have advanced in other articles I do not believe this to be the case.

Aside from anything else all Makoni has to do, even if comes a distant 3rd in the race, is take less than 10% of Mugabe’s vote (to drop Mugabe below the 50% majority threshold) and he will force Mugabe into a run off in terms of Section 110 of the Electoral Act against Morgan Tsvangirai. This is Mugabe’s worst nightmare because not only will the advantage of a divided opposition be removed but also he will no longer have the same support of Zanu PF Senators, MPs and Councillors whose elections will be over. Zanu PF deliberately organised the so called “harmonized” elections because Mugabe knew that he would have to rely on the self interest of Zanu PF Senators, MPs and Councillors (who obviously want to win themselves) to campaign for him as well. In the run off he cannot be guaranteed that they will support him as they did in the main election. It is inconceivable that Mugabe would have deliberately allowed Makoni to run and so open up the possibility of this happening.

It is equally inconceivable that Dumiso Dabengwa, who suffered so much personally at the hands of Mugabe between 1982 and 1987, would allow himself to be part of a massive trick to perpetuate Mugabe’s rule.

Others fear that this is a trick to perpetuate Zanu PF rule under Makoni and this is where the “Gorbachev Factor” I wrote about last year comes into play. Michael Gorbachev never wanted to destroy the Soviet Union he was President of or the Communist Party he was Secretary General of in the 1980s. However he realised that if he did not reform the Soviet economy he would not be able to hold on to power. As a result he introduced the policies of perestroika and glasnost with the hope that those reforms would maintain his grip on power. However as we all know once he started down that path of reform he was unable to control the process which ran away from him resulting in the break up of the Soviet Union and the loss of power by the Communist Party. We are at a similar stage in Zimbabwe. The centre of power is so weak that the moment any leader attempts to reform any aspect of our economic policy the process will run away from that leader. Accordingly whilst I believe that Makoni is genuine in his stated wish to free Zimbabwe, even if he is not, I think that history shows that he will not be able to stop the inevitable process of reform.

In conclusion I do not think we should have anything to fear in voting for Simba Makoni. On the contrary I believe that he will make a fine President as he is a man of integrity and great capability who can draw Zimbabweans together to find solutions to the enormous problems our nation faces. In addition I think it is practically sensible because it gives us all the best chance of removing Mugabe from office. I hope that you will go out to vote and that you will do all in your power to get every friend, fellow worker and family member to vote. If we all vote in numbers it will virtually impossible for the Mugabe regime to rig big enough to win.

Voting on Saturday the 29th March 2008

Please remember that you will have to vote within the Ward you are registered in. You must establish what Ward you live in. If you need any help in finding out where you are registered please phone our help line 0912 929580.

On Election Day please take your current valid passport of your current valid ID to any of the polling stations in your Ward. Please remember that the Khumalo Senatorial Constituency is made up of two House of Assembly Constituencies, namely Bulawayo East and Central.

Please also try to vote early as there are likely to be long queues and if you arrive late you may not be able to vote at all. Zanu PF has deliberately cut down on the number of urban polling stations to reduce the tidal wave of opposition to Mugabe.

Do come prepared to wait as well. I recommend that you bring water, food, a hat and a chair. But please be determined to vote as we must bring tyranny to and end and we have a real chance to do so on the 29th March 2008.

What you can expect from me if you elect me

If elected I will:

• Continue to fight for a new democratic constitution, the repeal of oppressive legislation and enactment of new progressive, democratic laws

• Press for sound economic policies to be introduced

• Fight for the restoration of the rule of law including respect for property rights and a zero tolerance approach to crime and corruption

• Hold regular report back meetings with constituents

• Develop projects for disadvantaged constituents.

I have enjoyed meeting many of you during this campaign. If elected I look forward to working with you in future to develop Bulawayo, Matabeleland and Zimbabwe into the shining jewels they deserve to be.

Yours sincerely,

David Coltart MP
March 2008

The Editor

Cape Argus,

Attention: Mr Chris Whitfield

Dear Sir,

I have read the letter published in the Cape Argus on the 17th February 2008 written by my friend and colleague Roy Bennett in which he accused Zimbabwean Presidential candidate Simba Makoni of complicity in various crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Mugabe regime because of his association with Zanu PF.

Both Roy Bennett and I served in the BSAP, the Rhodesian Police force, in the 1970s during the civil war fought by ZANLA and ZIPRA against the Rhodesian Front government. Whilst there were undoubtedly atrocities committed by the guerrilla armies, the BSAP played a major role in maintaining white minority rule and during the course of the war torture was also systematically used by the BSAP against captured guerrillas and their supporters.

Despite the fact that we served in the BSAP, we were both elected to Parliament in 2000 by an overwhelmingly black electorate who were prepared to forgive us for the fact that we were members of an institution which had prolonged white minority rule and the oppression of black people. I have always been humbled by the deep reservoir of forgiveness and goodwill shown towards me by black Zimbabweans, who were prepared to look beyond my past and who were prepared to judge me on my more recent record.

Likewise the miracle that unfolded in South Africa in the early 1990s occurred because Nelson Mandela and the ANC were prepared to forgive the National Party and leaders like F.W. De Klerk for their role in apartheid. Much of that spirit of forgiveness stemmed from the fact that Mr de Klerk was prepared to humble himself by giving up the trappings of power and to turn away from the evil past of apartheid. The combination of the spirit of forgiveness, on the one hand, and the turning away from evil, on the other, contributed greatly to the healing that took place in South Africa in the 1990s.

Zimbabwe is in a similar place of distress as South Africa was in 1990. Our problems are so grave and seemingly intractable that we will not be able to save our land unless all responsible and patriotic Zimbabweans display a similar spirit of forgiveness and turning away from evil.

It is in that context that Roy Bennett’s attack on Simba Makoni is so unfortunate. He accuses Makoni of being complicit in the Gukurahundi genocide, the Murambatsvina atrocity and other human rights violations, through his silence. He blames Makoni for the fact that he is unable to return from exile and for the fact that SADC norms and conditions have not been implemented in Zimbabwe.

What is undeniable is that Simba Makoni has been in Zanu PF since independence but that alone does not make him complicit. In my capacity as Director of the Bulawayo Legal Projects Centre in the 1980s and 1990s I played a leading role in the investigation and reporting of the Gukurahundi genocide which culminated in the publication in 1997 of the report “Breaking the Silence” by our parent organisation the Legal Resources Foundation. Simba Makoni was never implicated in the Gukurahundi. Indeed our investigations revealed that it was perpetrated by a relatively small cabal around Robert Mugabe. Many even in the military itself did not know exactly what was planned and what happened.

As regards Murambatsvina the facts are that Makoni resigned, in an unprecedented and brave act, from cabinet in 2002, well before Murambatsvina took place. We also know that the reason he resigned was because he disagreed with a host of Zanu PF policies. We also know that he has fought a lone battle within the Politburo trying to reform Zanu PF from within. In the past year he has spoken out publicly against Zanu PF’s abuses including the shocking torture of Morgan Tsvangirai and other opposition leaders in March last year.

We may criticise him for staying within Zanu PF for so long but it is an unjustified cut to say that he has agreed with all that has happened in Zimbabwe since independence. Even if I am wrong in my assessment of Makoni’s past, what we know for certain now is that he has broken from Zanu PF in an astonishingly brave move. His manifesto indicates that he stands for the right things, including national reconciliation and a new democratic constitution.

In my view this courageous move should be supported, not criticised. Now is the time for us all to display the same degree of forgiveness afforded Roy Bennett and me by black Zimbabweans. The quid pro quo is that Simba Makoni must show that this is a genuine turning away from Zanu PF’s evil past – but I think he has already demonstrated that through his actions and words of the last few weeks.

Now is also the time for all patriotic Zimbabweans to work together to bring Robert Mugabe’s ruinous and brutal dictatorship to an end.

Yours sincerely,

David Coltart MP

MDC

Bulawayo

Zimbabwe

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________

This letter was written in response to the letter attached below written by Roy Bennett

To: The Cape Argus

Attention: The Editor Mr. C. Whitfield

MDC Bennett: Slam Makoni

Sirs,

Unfortunately when Peta Thornycroft allows her personal animosity towards my political party and its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai to completely distort objective comment, the valued integrity of the Independent Group of Newspapers is jeopardized.

On Sunday 10th February, this lack of objectivity was there for all to see. Pointedly in the Sunday Times a sober, unemotional assessment of the current crisis in Zimbabwe was presented in a brilliantly balanced article written by a brave group of Zimbabwean non-aligned activists.

Independent Paper Group by contrast, thrust forward the discredited notion that our party should throw in the towel in favour of Simba Makoni and abdicate our responsibility to our supporters.

By your own admission Makoni has been a loyal, long standing member of Zanu-PF’s politburo. His record is there for all who care to see. He was silent at the time of Gukurahundi and his overall backers are all the key perpetrators of that massacre. He was complicit and silent at the time rampaging mobs ran through our High Court rendering the rule of law obsolete. He was silent when the Daily News was shut down and the owners and employees were hounded and humiliated. Makoni even sat in on political discussions and never once raised his voice when defenceless Zimbabweans were rendered homeless, in that shameless act of cruelty Operation Murambatsvina. He was silent when business leaders were assaulted and small businesses bankrupted through price controls.

The time for opportunism is not now. The MDC and their people have suffered the brunt of the same regime that through a defend power project of which Makoni was part of, have made the environment ripe for the pickings, as every man and his dog wants change. Makoni and his own are seeking a soft landing for ill gotten gains and human rights abuses, and are now attempting to believe in a need for change.

Our party have one message for Zimbabweans. They know very well which political party’s leaders have suffered with the people in our quest to rid Zimbabwe of Zanu-PF. They have full knowledge of the marginalisation and victimisation and the need for a national integration where one day we can all say an Ndebele can be president. The MDC and its leaders have been murdered, tortured and imprisoned and yet would still win the support of the majority of Zimbabweans in a genuinely free vote. If that is not self evident, and Zanu-PF/ Makoni are confident of victory why do they refuse to implement the SADC, Mauritian declaration, of norms and standards?

Why do Zanu-PF/ Makoni refuse to allow me to return to Zimbabwe, when everyone knows that a prerequisite for the resolution of the South African political crisis was amnesty for a range of politicians such as the late Joe Slovo, Chris Hani etc? Rigged elections remain rigged elections. The Zimbabwe crisis will only be resolved when genuinely free and fair elections Rigged elections remain rigged elections. The Zimbabwe crisis will only be resolved when genuinely free and fair elections are held and are confirmed as such by a credible body of international observers.

Yours sincerely,

Roy Bennett

Treasurer General for the MDC

February 2008 Newsletter to Bulawayo South Constituents

Dear Friends,

Harold Wilson once said that “a week is a long time in politics” and it certainly is. Since I last wrote to you in January there have been dramatic and unforeseen political events that have taken place in Zimbabwe.

The gerrymandering of Bulawayo South

In the run up to the elections Bulawayo South Constituency has been completely changed in the delimitation exercise. The old Bulawayo South Constituency has been divided up into 3 new House of Assembly constituencies and is almost unrecognizable. Wards 24, 25 and 26 – the high density working class areas of Nketa and Emgwanin – have been formed into a new constituency called Nketa. Ward 6 – Bellevue, Newton West, Barham Green and Belmont – has been combined with Ward 21 – the high density Sizinda/Tshabalala area of the old neighbouring Nkulumane constituency to form the new Bulawayo South constituency. Finally Ward 5 – Hillside, Hillcrest, Burnside, Four Winds – has been combined with Wards 1 and 2, the city centre and North End, to form a new long narrow constituency called Bulawayo Central that stretches from Burnside in the south some 40 kilometers to the airport in the north! This is truly Zanu PF gerrymandering at its worst.

After winning the party vote in terms of the MDC constitution to contest the old Bulawayo South Constituency I was given the right to choose which new constituency to stand in. I chose to stand in Nketa as that is where the bulk of my project work has been done. Having made that decision the leadership of the MDC decided that I needed to move to the Senate as we do not have any lawyers there at present and in the new Parliament we want to bolster the work we do there. As a result I will be standing in the new Senatorial seat of Khumalo which is a massive constituency covering more than half the area of Bulawayo – it covers the entire area east of the Matopos Road, Lobengula Street in the city centre and the Victoria Falls Road. Like the Bulawayo Central House of Assembly seat it stretches from the southern boundary of Bulawayo to the airport in the north. The decision of the leadership was conveyed to the MDC Bulawayo South District committee on Friday the 8th February. I was deeply touched by the tears shed in that meeting as the people I have worked with during the last 8 years expressed their sorrow that we would no longer be working together. In response I have undertaken to form an Nketa Development Trust and will continue to work on developmental projects in the Nketa House of Assembly constituency.

Hugely energetic primary elections (for example there were none less than 7 candidates who contested the primaries for the new Nketa seat) conducted by our structures have selected the following superb team to represent the MDC in the area formerly known as Bulawayo South:

Nketa House of Assembly constituency/Emgwanin Senatorial seat

Senator – Senator Rita Ndlovu – the incumbent Senator
MP – Stanlord Ndlovu – a manager of CABS and the chairman of the old Bulawayo South District Committee
Councillor Ward 24 – Clr Litshe H. Keswa – the incumbent councilor
Councillor Ward 25 – Robert Donga
Councillor Ward 26 – Benjamin Moyo

Bulawayo South House of Assembly constituency/Mzilikazi Senatorial seat

Senator – Senator Sibangalizwe Msipa – also an incumbent Senator
MP – Jethro William Mpofu – a bright young man who has been heavily involved in civic work for over a decade
Councillor Ward 6 – Jennifer Bent – a hard working member of the MDC for the last 8 years

Bulawayo Central House of Assembly constituency/Khumalo Senatorial seat

Senator – David Coltart
MP – Japhet Gwanje Ndabeni Ncube – the feisty Mayor of Bulawayo who stood up to ZINWA
Councillor Ward 5 – Dr. Gary Ferguson – a well known and much loved medical practitioner.

We have a great team and I urge you to all vote for each one of them all.

The collapse of the MDC coalition talks with the MDC (Tsvangirai)

In my January newsletter I wrote that I was “confident that agreement (regarding a coalition) would be reached shortly”. My optimism was misplaced and on Sunday the 3rd February news broke that the talks had broken down. My optimism was based on the hard work we had done since August 2006 to reach agreement and the knowledge that the two management committees of both formations had reached agreement to form a coalition by mid January this year. A detailed written agreement was drawn up and all that remained was for National Councils of both formations to ratify the agreement. Our National Council ratified the agreement on the 2nd February. Tragically Morgan Tsvangirai was unable to reign in power hungry elements in his formation, mostly from Matabeleland, and as a result the original principles agreed to were reneged upon by the MDC Tsvangirai (MT) formation. The leadership of the MDC (MT) had argued that they enjoyed the overwhelming support of the people of Matabeleland – a claim already undermined this past weekend with the failure of the MDC (MT) to nominate councillors in tens of wards throughout Matabeleland, ironically including Ward 6.

The news of the failure to form a coalition was deeply saddening. I have always believed that the best way to beat the Mugabe regime was through a united opposition. It was astonishing to hear that the collapse of the talks was greeted favourably by many in the leadership of the MDC (MT) formation. For example on the 4th February a prominent MDC (MT) National Executive member sent out an e mail stating, and I quote, “The decision was received favourably across the country.” Another senior leader of the MDC (MT) told me that after the coalition agreement talks collapsed many of his colleagues were “euphoric”. The same e mail mentioned above described the depression felt by us in the MDC – it said, and I quote, “There was a profound sense of gloom at the hotel where the Mutambara group was caucusing yesterday in Harare.” There was indeed gloom because we understood along with the rest of the nation how irresponsible the actions of the MDC (MT) were in failing to agree to a united opposition to confront the Mugabe regime.

With the benefit of hindsight it appears that there was simply no desire to form a coalition with us amongst certain elements of the leadership of the MDC (MT), especially amongst its Matabeleland leadership. That feeling is reinforced by the recent revelation that the MDC (MT) has in fact entered into a pact with Jonathan Moyo in Tsholotsho North Constituency. It is ironic that they are happy to enter into a pact with the former Zanu PF cabinet Minister partly responsible for the destruction of the Daily News but not with erstwhile colleagues. It is also hypocritical in the extreme for them to criticise Simba Makoni’s entry into opposition politics when they themselves are prepared to work with Jonathan Moyo. Objectively Jonathan Moyo did far more damage to the MDC whilst in Zanu PF than Simba Makoni ever did.

Simba Makoni

In a move that took us all by surprise Simba Makoni announced on the 5th February that he was going to stand as an Independent candidate in the Presidential election. Although there had been much press speculation about this many wondered whether Simba Makoni would have sufficient courage to take a stand against Robert Mugabe. If the announcement came as a surprise, so too did the reaction of the people in Bulawayo and in many places throughout the country to the announcement. I never realised the level of grassroots support for Simba Makoni until the day after his announcement when my phone started ringing. Since then I have been told by many people from all walks of life that they believe Simba Makoni provides the best way out of the mess that Zimbabwe finds itself in today. Responding to these developments the MDC National Council met in Harare on Sunday the 10th February and unanimously agreed to mandate the management committee to enter into coalition talks with Simba Makoni.

That has now resulted in Arthur Mutambara standing down from the Presidential election in the national interest and in broad agreement being reached with Simba Makoni that we will not contest Senatorial, House of Assembly and Council seats against each other. In short we have now agreed to support Simba Makoni’s candidacy for President. Ironically what we had hoped to achieve with the MDC (MT) – a coalition – we have now achieved with Simba Makoni. I should stress that we are standing as a separate political entity and those elected under the MDC will represent the people in Parliament as MDC members as they always have in the past. I and my colleagues, many of whom have long and consistent records of opposing the Mugabe regime, have no intention of changing course now at the eleventh hour, fifty ninth second, of his rule. We believe that in the context of the MDC (MT) formation refusing to form a coalition with us, and in the context of the remarkable reaction from the voting public to Simba Makoni’s announcement, this provides the best chance the nation has of ending the Mugabe regime’s rule.

We are reinforced in that belief by the events that unfolded in nomination courts countrywide which have revealed very serious deficiencies and ongoing divisions within the MDC (MT) formation. Aside from the failure to field councillors in many Wards throughout Matabeleland the emergence of the Kombayi/Matibenga faction within the MDC (MT), and the nomination of its own candidates in some 22 constituencies mainly in the Midlands (but also in Matabeleland North, Mashonaland West, Central and East, Harare and Masvingo Provinces) will seriously undermine Morgan Tsvangirai’s ability to attract the same support he enjoyed in Matabeleland and the Midlands in the 2002 Presidential elections. In 2002 Morgan Tsvangirai won the Presidential election narrowly by some 70000 votes because he enjoyed overwhelming support in urban areas and the rural areas of Matabeleland and Midlands. Unless he can maintain that support he will be hard pressed to win. The failure of the MDC coalition agreement and the serious divisions within the MDC (MT) formation may seriously undermine Morgan Tsvangirai’s support base. A successful campaign needs electricity, unity and optimism if it is to gather momentum and ultimately win countrywide; without that it will falter and lose.

Whilst most people I have spoken to in the last two weeks are enthusiastic about our decision some have raised one of two questions – some fear this is just another Zanu PF “trick”; others argue that in any event Simba Makoni does not deserve our support because of his past association with Zanu PF.

I do not think this is a trick. It is illogical for Mugabe to put forward a candidate who will take away much of his own vote. Mugabe must have known about the provision in the Electoral Act which states that a Presidential candidate has to get an absolute majority ( over 50%) to win the Presidential election. All that Simba Makoni has to do to deny Mugabe that clear majority is to take away just 10% of the vote Mugabe got from Zanu PF supporters in 2002. If Mugabe does not get a clear majority in the first round he then will have to face off again in rerun against the opposition candidate who came second. That rerun has to be within 21 days of the 29th March and will be a straight fight with no danger of the opposition vote being divided – Mugabe’s worst nightmare. It would just be sheer lunacy for Mugabe to have concocted a plan that could backfire so badly in this way. Also if it is a trick why did Mugabe delay the nomination day and then conduct a purge of all those he thought were supporting Makoni? If it is a trick why is there such deep consternation in Zanu PF about this development? If it is a trick why has Mugabe in the last few days spewed out such venom against Makoni calling him a prostitute and a frog?

But the most compelling argument why this is not a trick is the following. When the MDC coalition agreement collapsed on the 3rd February Robert Mugabe was presented with his best possible election environment – a united (on the surface at least) Zanu PF against a divided MDC. Why possibly would Mugabe destroy that by allowing his own party’s “unity” to be fragmented just two days later when Makoni’s bid was announced? It is just absurd to think that Mugabe would have consented to such a thing.

I do not think that a person’s past should automatically bar him from a role in government. I am more concerned about where he stands NOW and in the FUTURE. All of us have done things in the past we are not so happy about. Many of the current MDC leadership were members of Zanu PF during the Gukurahundi and did not speak out. There are others in the MDC (MT) leadership who are now critical of Simba Makoni who were given senior appointments by Mugabe during the Gukurahundi period and never spoke out publicly against what was happening. There are others who are now in senior leadership positions in the opposition who were either members of Zanu PF or who considered standing for Zanu PF right up to the 2000 referendum. But that is all in the PAST and I do not believe that anyone should be automatically disqualified because of positions they have held in the past. If a person shows genuine repentance – a turning away from the past – that person should be eligible for support.

The Bible – 2 Chronicles 7:14 – has some words of wisdom for the situation we face in Zimbabwe today:

“If my people, who are called by my name, will humble themselves and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways, then will I hear from heaven and will forgive their sin and will heal their land.”

I think we can see in Simba Makoni a person who has turned from the past and is prepared to turn his back on the evil perpetrated by Zanu PF. In all the research I have done into Gukurahundi there is no evidence whatsoever to show that he was in anyway involved in that crime against humanity. As far back as the early 1990s he expressed deep concern about Zanu PF policy but believed that he should work within to reform. Since then the factual record shows that Simba Makoni had the guts to stand up to Mugabe in 2002, has never taken a farm, has never been involved any corruption scandals and now has shown exceptional bravery in challenging Mugabe in the Presidential election. In the last year he has spoken out publicly and boldly against the regime’s abuses including the torture of opposition leaders last March. All who know him personally, diplomats included, state that he is a man of integrity. The respected Washington Post newspaper wrote on the 20th February 2008 that “Simba Makoni is viewed by U.S. officials as a smart, honest technocrat.”

I have been greatly encouraged by his recent statements and his policy positions on a whole range of issues including the need for a new democratic constitution and genuine reconciliation. His statement that he is more loyal to his country than he is to his party is noteworthy. In his manifesto Simba Makoni states that he wants to “address national issues that separate and divide us as a nation” and to “institute a process of national healing and reconciliation”. He also wants to “restore Zimbabwe’s standing within the international community”. These are acknowledgments that all is not well in our nation. But this is a national responsibility – we all have to “humble ourselves”. We all have to acknowledge mistakes that we have made. Now is certainly the time for us to reach out to moderates in Zanu PF who are more loyal to their nation than they are to their party. We must always remember that just as Democratic candidate Barack Obama in the United States knows that he cannot win the Presidential election in the US without attracting Republican and independent support, so too the opposition must recognise that it cannot win our elections unless we attract substantial numbers of Zanu PF supporters to vote for a new, democratic Zimbabwe.

As we go to vote, and if we want to heal our nation, we should ask ourselves the following 2 questions:

1. Who of Morgan Tsvangirai and Simba Makoni is most likely to defeat Robert Mugabe? We must always keep in mind that until Mugabe leaves office there will be no new dawn and healing in our land. That is the first and most important step we have to take. My view is that irrespective of Morgan Tsvangirai’s great qualities of courage and perseverance he has not managed to unite his own party, never mind the nation and to that extent will be hard pressed to attract substantial support right across the country. On the contrary in the short time since announcing his candidacy Simba Makoni has excited the electorate right across the political spectrum and will undoubtedly, if supported enthusiastically by us all, attract massive support from all quarters. In short he stands the best chance of beating Mugabe.

2. Who, after winning an election, will be the most competent to govern and to stabilise and grow our economy? There is no doubt in my mind that Morgan Tsvangirai will go down in history as one of the most important men who broke Zanu PF’s back; but that does not mean that he is now the best person to pull Zimbabwe out of its economic quagmire. Zimbabwe is in such deep trouble that it will take a collaborative effort from many patriotic Zimbabweans to restore her. Unfortunately Morgan Tsvangirai has not managed to build an effective and cohesive team during the 9 years he has been in leadership. In contrast a recent independent poll conducted in Zimbabwe found that most Zimbabweans view Simba Makoni as a level headed person who does have the skills to lead Zimbabwe out of its current mess. He also enjoys much respect in the diplomatic community.

Accordingly I urge you to vote for Simba Makoni for President and for your local MDC candidates in the Senatorial, House of Assembly and Council elections. I sense that there is a remarkable new mood in the country and despite the fact that the Mugabe regime will try to rig the result it will fail to do so. That is because, firstly, there is a tidal wave of feeling that it is time for Mugabe to go and, secondly, because for the first time ever those responsible for rigging the elections in the past are not united themselves. That will make it well nigh impossible for those trying to rig to get away with their criminal behaviour.

We each have a role to play in restoring pride to our land. The first and most important step is to make the effort to go and vote on the 29th March 2008 for leaders who have the desire, the integrity and ability to transform Zimbabwe. In closing, especially as this will be last newsletter to you as MP for Bulawayo South, thank you all for the support you have given me as your MP for the last 8 years.

Yours sincerely,

The Hon. David Coltart MP
Bulawayo South
25th February 2008