Herald

By Robson Sharuko

2 October 2010

Harare — JUST when world cricket, reeling from the damage inflicted by allegations of match-fixing scandals, needed a breath of fresh air to show there was still integrity in the gentleman’s game, it found that beautiful ray of light from a very unlikely source.

The fallout from Pakistan’s tour to England, the wounds inflicted by the allegations of match-fixing and the counter claims by Pakistan Cricket Board chief Ijaz Butt that the hosts might also have influenced the outcome of the third ODI, had left world cricket looking for a feel-good story.

England coach Andy Flower said the reputation of cricket was now in tatters, Butt flew back to England and retracted his statement that they might have thrown away the third ODI and world cricket cried out loudly for a tale to charm its broken heart.

When it came, last week, it was from a very unlikely source.

Zimbabwe Cricket has had its fair share of trials and tribulations in the past few years it’s very likely that noone would certainly have placed any bets on it providing that refreshing tale, which would charm world cricket, at a time when the game was searching its soul.

But that’s what precisely happened as the shrewd leadership at the ZC, led by a managing director who is possibly evolving into the finest sporting administrator in this country today, surprised the world with a gesture that gave cricket the integrity it might have lost during the Pakistan/England attrition.

On face value it was probably just another decision, in the backwaters of the Intercontinental Cup, which didn’t matter that much.

But, given the trying times for the game, it was a magical decision that showed there were still men of honour in a game that has been plagued by a syndrome of greed.

When Ozias Bvute announced last week that ZC were offering Scotland the full 20 points for the Intercontinental Cup game that was supposed to have been played in this country, but was put on ice, after the Scots decided not to travel to Harare on the advice of the British Government.

Ireland toured Zimbabwe and, after their drawn match against Zimbabwe A, the Scots were set to be eliminated from the competition until Bvute provided a ray of hope for them by offering them all the 20 points on offer for the game that was never played.

“The Associate Members countries use this and other competitions to benchmark and track their progress, which progress is important to them,” said Bvute in his offer.

“To this end we feel that the Intercontinental Cup is a significant competition in Scotland’s development and therefore important that it gets the full benefits associated with playing in it.

“While Scotland’s decision not to tour has been attributed to political considerations, we as Zimbabwe Cricket are not qualified to comment on matters political of any country, nor would we want to base the future of the game of cricket on political directives.

“As such Zimbabwe has no dispute with either Cricket Scotland or the ICC. Instead, we seek only a solution that will ultimately allow for fair participation by all.

“Zimbabwe has no dispute with either Cricket Scotland or the ICC.

“Instead, we seek only a solution that will ultimately allow for fair participation by all, as such, ZC has decided to forfeit the match in favour of Scotland.”

With just one magical decision, the ZC leadership showed the world that, contrary to the dosages of propaganda that it had been fed by biased media outlets, they were certainly not the heartless characters who cared for noone and listened to anyone.

They showed that, in a world where some would even possibly throw away the integrity of the game for the sake of money, they still cared for the game and, rather than see an enemy in a Scotland team that had given them a raw deal, found an ally that needed help in its journey to turn into a competitive nation.

They showed that they were prepared to go the extra mile, just to embrace their cricket partners, and even losing a place in the Intercontinental Cup final was worth the sacrifice.

They understood that beyond the foolish decision by the British authorities to prevent Scotland from travelling to Zimbabwe, was a group of cricket loving men and women — working under the Cricket Scotland umbrella — who cared for the game, probably liked Zimbabwe Cricket and, given a chance, would probably have acted differently. Zimbabwe had little to gain from the Intercontinental Cup save for exposing a number of its emerging players to the challenges in the lower reaches of world cricket.

Scotland had everything to gain from the Intercontinental Cup because, given their level of development, this is their class and, in this competition, they can measure their progress.

ZC’s decision, to forfeit the points, was celebrated around the world as a triumph for the game of cricket that would help build bridges in a sport that is reeling from major challenges.

The Times of India described it as an offer of goodwill.

The Scotsman described it as a surprise decision.

“Scotland have been handed a surprise Intercontinental Cup reprieve, after Zimbabwe offered to forfeit the points from their controversial fixture,” wrote William Duck, in The Scotsman.

“The Scots faced elimination from the tournament after refusing to travel to Harare on UK government advice, which says that sporting tours by British teams send a positive signal when not enough progress has been made in Zimbabwe on political reform and re-establishing the rule of law.”

And, when the ICC confirmed that Scotland had been awarded the full 20 points from that match, thanks to Zimbabwe’s offer, there was joy in the corridors of Cricket Scotland.

“This is certainly an unexpected development and we have always said that the most important thing is for our players to get the chance to play for the Intercontinental Cup,” said Cricket Scotland chief executive Roddy Smith.

“It is a satisfactory outcome to what has been a very difficult situation for ourselves, Zimbabwe and the ICC.

“We would rather have had the opportunity to play against Zimbabwe and we do not celebrate the fact that they have forfeited the match.

“However, we have said all along that we wanted our players to get the opportunity to compete for the Intercontinental Cup and now they will get that chance. I am delighted for the guys.

“If you take Zimbabwe’s results out of the equation we would have been in the top two in any case. We have never had any issue with Zimbabwe Cricket and we would have no hesitation in travelling there once the UK government’s stance has changed.”

Dave Richardson, chairman of the ICC’s event technical committee, said he was hopeful this would not happen again.

“We did everything possible to facilitate an agreement between the two countries and would have been happy for the game to take place anywhere in the world,” he told the Scotsman.

“But the two sides could not agree and it is important for the integrity of the competition that these circumstances are not be allowed to happen again.”

The Minister of Education, Sport and Culture, David Coltart, said cricket had triumphed over politics following the Zimbabwe Cricket’s decision to forfeit the points to Scotland.

Coltart, who traces his family tree to Scotland, appears to be enjoying warm relations with the ZC leadership after a rocky start as the two sides continue to reach out to each other.

The minister has been on a personal crusade to try and persuade Australia, New Zealand and England to end their tour boycott of Zimbabwe and appears to be winning his battle with the Aussies and the Kiwis opening the way for such movement.

New Zealand A arrived in Harare yesterday for three four-day games spread across the whole of this month at Harare Sports Club.

The Kiwis are being captain by all-rounder James Franklin.

No wonder why Coltart appears a happy man.

“Delighted by Zimbabwe Cricket decision to allow Scotland Cricket to play in the Intercontinental Final instead of them,” he wrote on his Tweeter Page.

“Cricket 1, Politics 0.”

You couldn’t have said it better Honourable Minister. So Scotland will now take their place in the Intercontinental Cup final against Afghanistan in Dubai in November.

But it will be hard, even during that game, to forget the big part played by the brave boys of Zimbabwe Cricket to give the game a chance.

Zimbabwe Independent

By Tapera Kapuya

1 October 2010

TWO years after the signing of the global political agreement (GPA) and subsequent formation of the unity government, its successes and failures remain widely contested. Whereas much of the conversation often focuses on the economy as an objective reflector of the unity government’s scores, it is the political dynamics that are even more important.  This is largely because the primary motivations of the parties in getting into this unity government had everything to do with their strategic political goals.
The political protagonists entered into the GPA for essentially political reasons. The idea of consummating an effective government was largely a subsidiary to the political power contest. Therefore in reflecting on the GPA and its baby, the unity government, one has to keep in mind the attitudes of the political parties towards both agreement and its resultant government.
Zanu PF: reversing the tide
There are different and often diverging motivations why the three parties agreed to the GPA. For Zanu PF, the GPA was essentially a way of retaining power.  The GPA was seen as a way of containing the surge in domestic and international pressure. The March and June 2008 elections had shifted the balance of political power internally and within the region in favour of the MDC-T. For Zanu PF, a settlement with the MDCs would be a way for the party to contain the surge in democratic resistance to its rule.
Zanu PF’s credibility within Sadc had been dented and it was failing to sustain its standing within the wider African Union community. The support of these two groupings and their members had been crucial in dismissing internal pressure. Instead post- 2008 elections saw the MDC-T receiving unprecedented interest from African capitals, including South Africa.  Zanu PF’s dismissal of the MDCs as Western pawns would no longer find a keen ear.
Even more, Zanu PF’s mechanisms of controlling dissent and opposition were becoming limited.  Its use of violence had gone overboard and was achieving more negative results. It was eroding support even amongst some of its staunch supporters. Worse, given the extreme economic depression, the party’s patronage system was running out of goods to dispense to buy loyalty.
The party was on the verge of implosion. The momentum that had held it together through the power of incumbency had diminished. Its members with economic interests were cutting deals with the succeeding party.  Even the state bureaucracy, once noted for its commitment  to Zanu PF was subtly withholding its support, in many instances causing state paralysis.
It is fair to say without the unity government, and in particular after the tragedy of the June election, Zanu PF would have descended into the fringes in the same way Kaunda’s Unip had lost in Zambia.
Two years after the unity government, it is fair to say the Zanu PF strategy of containment has been fairly successful, especially with regards to reclaiming marginal support within the Sadc and the AU. Internally it seems to be managing to dominate the national agenda, its policies and much of its decisions carry the day.  The MDC-T, in particular, has generally failed to maintain its pre-GPA momentum. There is general consensus amongst any honest observer that President Robert Mugabe and his side of the unity government are in control of the government.
MDC-T and the unfinished change
For the MDC-T, this GPA was seen as a strategy for acquiring state power. It was part of a transition strategy where they were negotiating for power under the illusion, real or not, of Zanu PF’s military power. In effect, for the MDC the impression was that of finding a way out of a “silent coup”. This explains some of the compromises the party made.
Given the tragedies the party faced during and immediately after the 2008 elections, there has been an expectation that the MDC-T would use its leverage in the GPA to reinvigorate the party and the broader democracy movement to consolidate the momentum for change. But what is happening on the ground is telling: there has been no real attempt of mass movement building and the party activists remain victims of state and Zanu PF repression. Party cohesion is being tested with reports of divisions undermining confidence. Moreover the party seems uncertain whether to embrace its junior status in government or reorient itself as an alternative government.
The MDC-T has continued to suffer contempt from Zanu PF. It has failed to proffer convincing responses to Zanu PF’s refusal to fully implement the GPA. The MDC-T nominee for deputy agriculture minister is yet to be sworn in; the party’s ICT minister was stripped off all his powers; provincial governors are yet to be announced; and the Prime Minister (Morgan Tsvangirai) finds himself without defined power and more in a ceremonial position. In all these, the popular perception continues to be engraved that the MDC-T are squatters in a Zanu PF government.
The MDC-T against wider expectations seems to have reverted into a “responding” gear: Zanu PF sets the agenda, the MDC-T responds. The party, against wide expectations, is failing to drive a national policy agenda that can take the nation away from Zanu PF’s narrative. This is despite the MDC-T having lead control of parliamentary process: the party has a “moral” majority; the prime minister is leader of government business in parliament and the Speaker is the party’s chairperson. Much could be said of local government where the party dominates yet residents are yet to see a marked departure from Zanu PF’s tendencies.
However, it has to be acknowledged that the  country owes the stability that currently exists in the economy to the MDC-T. Despite claims by Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa and others about dollarisation being a Zanu government decision, this was essentially an MDC idea. If Zanu had its way, it would have printed even more Zim dollars until the ink ran out.
Besides the economy, we might also add the reforms in media and electoral systems. The MDC-T has managed to halt, if not reverse, the closure of media space and an election system run by a corrupt and embedded commission.
MDC-M: The illusions of legitimacy through competency
Despite the fact that the negotiations that finally led to the GPA had been going on since as early as 2003, the GPA would have been essentially a two- party agreement between Zanu and MDC-T. Given Zimbabwe’s polarised politics, the “kingmaker” status of MDC-M’s post 2008 election presence in parliament could in practical terms only have been used to benefit the MDC-T. However MDC-M increasingly became of strategic value to Zanu PF. The party leadership’s sharp differences and little regard for Tsvangirai in particular, became a tool for Zanu PF, which sees the party as a buffer zone for mitigating some of MDC-T’s demands.
For the MDC-M, especially after its March 2008 election legitimacy crisis, the GPA would provide an opportunity to re-legitimise itself through competence. The assumption was the party members in government would perform well enough to sustain the party’s reputational defects. But given that this government never really moved away from Zanu PF’s hold, the MDC-M strategy has failed to bear fruit for the party –– with the exception being David Coltart, the Education minister.
Like the MDC-T, the party has failed to use the relative safety of its leadership in government to mobilise support and rebuild its weak grassroots structures. As with the MDC-T, there has been no concrete national policy proposal from the party apart from random “off-head”, knee- jerk propositions.
The party’s support seems to be waning and the unity government appears to be the only thing that provides relevance to the party. However, it could also be appreciated that the party has been key to thawing polarised tensions between MDC-T and Zanu PF. It has been argued that the agreement, and unity government, in itself owes existence to the machinations of the MDC-M.
Contesting the transitional government
There are two variables of transition that dominate Zimbabwe’s politics. For the parties, especially Zanu PF and MDC-T, transition can be narrowly defined as a process leading to an aftermath where the other party is vanquished and out of power. This narrative sustains the petty intra-government contests: the scramble for credit for government gains and blame for government failures.
Yet for the majority of Zimbabweans, the conclusion of this government should bring an open and democratic order. They do not expect this to be delivered by the party that denied them freedom and inflicted on them so much suffering. To be precise, their hopes are with the MDC-T. The MDC-T presents the best chances Zimbabwe has of unseating Zanu PF and setting the country on the path to democracy.
But for the transition to take effect and be realised, the MDC-T has to go back to the basics and understand that the struggle is not yet over nor has it been won. The party has to creatively take advantage of its station in government to rebuild its structures, mobilise the masses and reconstruct a policy narrative that inspires hope in the millions of our people. It has to draw a fine line between being in government, albeit with little if any power, and remaining a popular front for the establishment of a free, open and democratic country.
Being in government provides the party’s leadership significant protection and immunity to travel across the country and into communities, in particular rural areas, previously deemed NO-GO zones by Zanu PF. Reaching out to grassroots is important in reassuring communities and in ensuring that confidence in the promise of democracy remains.
This challenge also includes reaching out to all the disaffected, including those who have formed or are finding expression in other parties. The main strategic interest of the MDC-T should be to lead and provide leadership to a broad democratic alliance. Relations with progressive mass-based civil society, in particular the ZCTU, NCA, Zinasu and the churches, should be restored and strengthened.
The party’s station in government should serve no other greater purpose than this. The guiding interest of our time is establishing a democratic order. This can become elusive if those in search of it remain divided whilst fighting a consolidating dictatorship.
Tapera Kapuya writes in his personal capacity.

Zimbabwe Independent

1 October 2010

ZIMBABWE’S hopes of hosting the 2015 African Cup of Nations finals face a major challenge after neighbours South Africa expressed interest in hosting the tournament the same year.
Zimbabwe football authorities have already made their intentions known to the Confederation of African Football (Caf), with government expressing full support for the idea.
It has not yet been established which other countries on the continent are competing with Zimbabwe for the right to host the biennial football showcase in 2015, but South Africa’s intervention alone will cast doubt over Zimbabwe’s prospects.
Having successfully hosted the 2010 Fifa World Cup, Zimbabwe’s southern African neighbour has everything in place to host the 16 team continental finals.
Zimbabwe, on the other hand, was looking to build two more stadiums in cities other than Harare and Bulawayo ahead of the third attempt at hosting the finals after failing in 2000 and 2004 respectively.
South African Football Association (Safa) President Kirsten Nematandani told The Sowetan newspaper: “Yes, we have put a request to the Confederation of African Football. We are still (enjoying) the success of the World Cup and we hope it will be good for us in our bid to host the African Nations Cup.
“There will be no question of infrastructure because it is here, accommodation is here. There will be no question of transport because it is here. World-class stadiums are here too. We have everything,” said Nematandani.
The next tournament in 2012 will be hosted jointly by Gabon and Equatorial Guinea, followed by Libya in 2013 — when the tournament will be moved for the first time to odd years to avoid a clash with future Fifa World Cups.
Earlier this month, Education, Sport and Culture minister David Coltart announced that the government was looking at building two stadiums for the hosting of the 2015 tournament.
“As government we are in the process of facilitating for the hosting of the 2015 Nations Cup event,” said Coltart.
“We need to build two more stadiums. You think we cannot do that between now and then? It’s possible we can do that,” he further declared.
CAF requires that a hosting country should have at least four stadiums in four different cities.
Already Zimbabwe has the National Sports Stadium, Rufaro stadium (both in Harare) and Bulawayo’s Barbourfields stadium.
This would mean the other two stadiums will have to be built in cities other than these two with Mutare, Masvingo and Gweru being more likely to benefit.
The host country is given at least four years to prepare for the tournament and at this stage South Africa, miles ahead of Zimbabwe in terms of preparedness, will be clear favourites.

New Zimbabwe.com

By Lindie Whiz

29 September 2010

FINANCE Minister Tendai Biti has been forced to break his pledge to freeze government recruitment after Education Minister David Coltart and his Public Service counterpart Elphas Mukonoweshuro complained the move was crippling their departments.

Biti announced an indefinite civil service wage cap in April while also ordering a freeze on all new recruitments for “non-critical” vacant posts.

Several government departments were forced to shed non-permanent jobs, with the Education Ministry letting go of 20,000 temporary teachers — 4,000 of them in Matabeleland North Province alone.

Education Minister David Coltart said Wednesday he had “highlighted the difficulties that had been caused by the decision” which also prevented his department from hiring new graduates and returning teachers who had quit.

Coltart said: “We bilaterally approached the Minister of Finance  and highlighted the difficulties that had been caused by the decision to stop hiring temporary and other teachers.

“It was then resolved that they should be re-engaged with effect from September 17.”

Coltart said temporary teachers were a vital cog in the country’s education system, adding: “They fill vacancies when experienced staff go on leave. They also take up posts in remote areas that are normally shunned by trained teachers.

“Besides, the country is facing an acute shortage of qualified teachers.”

Biti, struggling to rein-in government expenditure to balance with low receipts for the weak economy, targeted the civil service wage bill which was US$913 million in 2009.

“Normal economics demand that only 30 percent of the budget be channelled to salaries as per the World Bank standards. We are outperforming World Bank countries that have a much higher level of domestic product,” Biti said in April.

Herald

29 September 2010

By Stephen Mpofu

THE poor in this country probably wonder if the law is such an ass that it bays at them in laughter while they wrestle with challenges that appear intractable.

Gap-mouthed parents ask why for instance, the “law” dozes off while their children are shut out of school for non-payment of fees or punished for delays in paying incentive money for teachers, particularly in rural areas when the “law” ought to know that efforts by villagers to raise both requisite amounts are like attempts to climb Mount Inyangani while blind-folded, hence some pupils there attend school in glorious rags, literally.

Why indeed, ask the less-monied and even the more affluent does the “law” remain ensconced on the fence as children in some schools suffer the brunt of demoralised teachers after money meant as an incentive to bolster their spirits lands in porous hands of some heads who will brook no questioning by subordinates.

All this happens under the very noses of school development associations and of education ministry authorities, the former clearly bereft of any doubt to carpet recalcitrant school heads even though SDAs remain much closer to schools than ministry authorities.

Those misdemeanors apparently rule the roost because there is no law in the statute books to police the schools, as bemoaned recently by Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture, David Coltart.

And this sad scenario in spite of assurance from lofty places in New York City, and repeated here at home, that education is every child’s “inalienable right”.

Now add to the above demand by some mission schools for parents to put down as much as US$800 to secure a high school place for a child with the amount not refundable in the event of the applicant not taking up the place.

The schools in point are obviously driven by Zimdollar syndrome of millions, billions, trillions and quadrillions — the hundreds and thousands having become chicken-feed during that era as bakers who have raised the price of bread and other, breadline products knowing, as they certainly do, that their unilateralism will go unpunished in the absence of any law compelling them to consult with relevant authorities overseeing their industry and agreeing a price increase that does not nip the country’s fledgling economic recovery in the bud.

In the wake of the foregoing, less-advantaged parents must surely be wondering whether they can only access the right to education for their child by paying money.

It is no doubt in light of the prevailing contradictions in our schools that Minister Coltart called for the need for a “law to curb any acts of mal-administration in schools”.

Some people might ask why as Minister of Education, he does not go right ahead and introduce the necessary legislation as he sees fit.

Well, their concerns may be legitimate but they and other stakeholders have a role to play by inputting into the making of a new law in the same way as their input matters a great deal in any policy making process, so that any potential loopholes in the formulation of the law are sealed to prevent possible exploitation by unscrupulous characters.

Contextually, therefore, Minister Coltart set an agenda for people to motivate discussion on the subject, reach their own unanimous conclusion about the kind of law they want to see in place and then send their inputs to the ministry.

Zimbabwe’s education system enjoys a reputation envied by other countries in Africa, and probably even overseas.

Thus, a strong case exists to protect it against those acts that might taint it resulting in people describing the country’s education as “high-quality but . . . ”

The author is a former Editor of the Chronicle.

New Zimbabwe.com

28 September 2010

SPORTS Minister David Coltart has taken to Twitter to give full backing to Zimbabwe Cricket’s unexpected decision to offer Scotland a pass to the final of the International Cricket Council’s Intercontinental Cup.

Scotland faced elimination after pulling out their fixture against a Zimbabwe XI in Harare following intervention by the British government which said: “We are firmly of the view that there has not yet been sufficient progress in Zimbabwe on the fundamental issues of political reform and of re-establishing the rule of law to justify sports tours by British teams and the positive signal that would send. We therefore strongly advise against such visits.”

But Zimbabwe – currently the second best side in the tournament with 72 points, while Scotland is third with 69 points — last week recommended to the ICC that Scotland be awarded full points for the cancelled fixture. The gesture would allow Scotland to leapfrog them and face section leaders Afghanistan in November’s final in Dubai.

Keen cricket fan Coltart said on his Twitter page: “Delighted by Zimbabwe Cricket decision to allow Scotland Cricket to play in the Intercontinental Final instead of them. Cricket 1 Politics 0.”

Explaining Zimbabwe’s decision, Zimbabwe Cricket’s managing director Ozias Bvute said: “The Associate Members countries use this and other competitions to benchmark and track their progress, which progress is important to them. To this end we feel that the I-Cup is a significant competition in Scotland’s development and therefore important that it gets the full benefits associated with playing in it.

“While Scotland’s decision not to tour has been attributed to political considerations, we as Zimbabwe Cricket are not qualified to comment on matters political of any country, nor would we want to base the future of the game of cricket on political directives.

“As such Zimbabwe has no dispute with either Cricket Scotland or the ICC. Instead, we seek only a solution that will ultimately allow for fair participation by all.”

Cricket Scotland has not commented on Zimbabwe’s gesture.

Morning Mirror

By Margie Kriel

28 September 2010

Eveline High School in Bulawayo celebrated its Centenary on Friday 24
September 2010.

The fabled quadrangle was filled to overflowing with students, staff,
guests, and old girls, and there was even a giant birthday cake for
the occasion.

Senator David Coltart Minister of Education was the guest of honour
and we “Old Girls” all had lumps in out throats remembering our own
glorious days at Eveline School so many years ago.

Several of the girls even had the old school Boaters with the maroon
hat band, although the much more practical brown floppy hat has taken
its place. The summer uniform is the same, that beautiful turquoise
blue with that irritating belt … and the blazers were the same
although unnecessary in the boiling hot sun.

The theme was ” Hundred years existence – 1910 to 2010 – celebrating
diversity in the school system” and the school has great plans for
the future.

The girls were beautifully behaved, sitting patiently during the
speeches, songs and dramas, and the Senator broke the ground for the
new IT Centre planned for the school in the next couple of years. The
staff were elegant and professional in their mortar boards and gowns
and the future of the school is in good hands.

Several groups of “Old Girls” and local companies made generous
donations to the Eveline Rehabilitation Project which includes a
giant recreation and conference centre on the playing fields over the
road from Langdon House, where we once used to hold our sports days.
I can even remember some of the names of the houses. Ours was
Gladstone, then there was Buxton, Langdon, Northwood, Mackintosh,
oops can anyone help me out ? There were 8 in all if I remember.

Milton High had its centenary too this week, a whole week of
festivities which I gather were enormously successful. However, we
Eveline Girls, as was always the case in the past, were far more
ladylike in our celebrations!!

The old memories may have gone but we Eveline Girls still do our best
to remain “Upright and True”…

I have posted some anniversary photos on the Morning Mirror website
www.morningmirror.africanherd.com/

Newsday

By Fortune Moyo

28 September 2010

The Public Service Commission (PSC) has given the Ministry of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture the green light to hire 19 732 temporary teachers this term following a Cabinet decision to that effect last week.

Earlier last month the PSC had ordered the ministry to stop hiring temporary teachers arguing that the prerogative was squarely on their shoulders while Treasury stopped all line ministries from recruiting.

At the beginning of this term, the government cancelled contracts for unqualified teachers, who make up the bulk of the staff complement in rural schools.

Public Service minister Eliphas Mukonoweshuro told NewsDay in an interview that his ministry has since rescinded its initial position not to re-engage temporary teachers this term, pending communication from Treasury.

“At the end of each term, we actually do a survey and we know how many teachers are engaged in schools,” he said.

“We then write a letter to the Ministry of Education to that effect. We have since written to minister (David) Coltart so that he can engage 19 732 temporary teachers this term.”

Mukonoweshuro said the PSC received Treasury permission to re-engage temporary teachers.

“We got Treasury concurrence that temporary teachers should report for duty this term and we have also told the relevant ministry,” he said.

“There is no reason why some schools are still telling temporary teachers not to report for duty.”

The minister also reiterated that teachers in the service before were free to return to their jobs.

“Qualified teachers who were in the service but left the profession at the peak of Zimbabwe’s economic crisis were still free to return to their jobs and since they have appropriate qualifications, they are likely to get preference ahead of temporary teachers,” he said.

Contracts for temporary teachers expire at the end of each term and are renewed at the provincial education office at the beginning of each term.

But with the earlier directive from the Ministry of Finance, the teachers could not resume duties because their status had not been regularised.

Zimbabwe needs 120 000 teachers when the sector is operating at full throttle and, according to the Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association, there are currently 90 000 teachers, with the bulk being temporary staff.

Standard

By Nqaba Matshazi

Sunday, 26 September 2010

MDC-M and the revived Zapu are engaged in behind-the-scenes talks in the hope of coming up with a coalition leading up to elections, which are likely to be held next year, a high-level source revealed last week.

On the other hand the source ruled out unity with the faction led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai as being virtually a “non-starter”.

“There are people from both sides who are pushing for talks, although there is nothing substantive at the moment,” the source said.

Tsvangirai has already held out at an olive branch to the formation led by his deputy, Arthur Mutambara, but that was rebuffed by Welshman Ncube, the secretary-general. Ncube has labelled Tsvangirai’s overture insincere, saying he should go beyond just uttering public statements, without offering much in terms of action.

“The current position is that attempts have been made towards the signing of a reunification pact but Tsvangirai’s MDC rejected that,” he said recently. “As far as we are concerned, this is where we are.”

The source, a senior official in Mutambara’s camp, said they felt hard done by MDC-T and prospects of reunification were close to nil.

This contradicts statements made by MDC-M secretary for legal affairs David Coltart, who said he regretted the split and hoped that talks on reunifying the two formations would commence.

“There is a chance that we might work with Zapu, but anything else is highly unlikely,” the source added.

Zapu spokesperson, Methuseli Moyo said there was sentiment within the two parties to come up with a working arrangement but there was nothing official.

“There is sentiment from both sides to come up with a working arrangement, but there is nothing formal and the issue has not been discussed at leadership level,” he said.

Moyo said the issue was that no one had initiated talks between the two parties, but it was a proposition that they were willing to look at.

MDC-M spokesman, Edwin Mushoriwa, however denied that there was anything of that sort, saying he was not aware of any talks.

“Actually this is the first time I am hearing about this,” he said. “It is something that has certainly not been discussed.”

His deputy, Nhlanhla Dube also concurred saying there were no discussions at any level.

Despite the denials reports of the two parties merging have refused to die down.

Earlier this year it was reported that the two parties were on the verge of forming a coalition, but this did not materialise.

Sunday News

26 September 2010

Sunday News Reporter

POOR infrastructure is affecting academic performance at rural primary schools with some of them struggling to produce a single pupil who records passes in Grade Seven examinations.
In an interview with the Sunday News, the headmistress of Lake Alice Primary School in Lupane District, Mrs Sibongile Songolo, said her school had been recording zero percent a pass rate until 2007, when a non-governmental organisation intervened and helped them improve their infrastructure.
“As from 2007, when we started working with World Vision to improve our infrastructure, our school results have improved. In 2007, it jumped from zero percent, in the previous years, to 14 percent. In 2008, we recorded 33 percent but in 2009 dipped again to 6 percent. The decrease was mainly caused by the shortage of human resources. We had only four teachers in the whole school,” she said.
Mrs Songolo was speaking on the sidelines of the official opening of two blocks of classes that the community built with assistance from the non-governmental organisation, World Vision.
Mrs Songolo said, as a school, they were now better placed to achieve good results.
“For years, the Lake Alice community has struggled to come up with structures for pupils and teachers without any success. However, I think throughout the entire process of building these classes the attitude of the community towards education changed.
“At the beginning, parents seemed be not interested as if they were doing the school a favour. But later, they worked hard to bring water, sand and build these two blocks and rehabilitated the rest. It dawned on them that schools belong to communities and parents and not the teachers,” she said.
Mrs Songolo said the school had nine teachers and an enrolment of 360 pupils.
“We are now better positioned to do well. World Vision provided us with furniture, 160 chairs and 80 desks for the infants and 90 desks for the seniors. They also gave us furniture for teachers and exercise books.
“This kind gesture contributes tremendously in helping the school provide education in this community,” she said.
The NGO also gave the school swings and see-saws to make a play centre.
“They also gave us 20 copies of English and Mathematics textbooks for Grade 3s up to Grade 7s. They also helped us develop an orchard where we have 63 trees surviving,” Mrs Songolo said.
The headmistress said the school still faced a number of challenges that included absenteeism.
“Pupils absent themselves unnecessarily, we are also facing economic hardships and as a result parents fail to provide children with stationery, we also have the shortage of textbooks which is a drawback as they are the backbone of primary school education,” she said.
In a speech read on his behalf by the Provincial Education director, Mrs Boitathelo Mnguni, the Minister of Education, Sport, Arts and Culture, Senator David Coltart, said his ministry could not resource schools without the help of NGOs and the communities.
“My ministry alone will not be able to resource adequately all our schools, more so that we are coming from a very difficult economic period. “It is the involvement of all stakeholders in a multi-faceted and multi-sectorial approach that will be able to address many challenges the education sector is facing today,” he said.
The minister said there was a need to work as a united front to make meaningful strides in education. “The education sector has indeed a mountain to climb. Together as a united force we shall be able to revitalise the sector,” he said.
Speaking at the ceremony, the national director of world Vision, Mr Edward Brown, said it was his organisation’s aim that children should be educated for life.
“In addition to this school, World Vision also supported 18 other primary and secondary schools in Lupane in the areas of water and sanitation, infrastructural development, textbook support and in the area of science education,” he said.
He said the investment at Lake Alice Primary School was made possible by the kind funding from World Vision Canada to the tune of US$53 000.
The operations manager for the Matabeleland region, Mr Khumbulani Ndlovu, said it was important for parents to realise that the school belonged to them.
“It is important for parents to take responsibility and nothing will ever move if there is no money and there are no contributions by parents. There is no way we can run away from the money issue,” he said.
The World Vision official in Lupane district, Mr Mandlenkosi Masango, said there was a need to strengthen school development committees (SDCs).
“In some schools that we work with there is a gap in terms of SDCs. SDCs are not sure of what they are supposed to do. We have budgeted for the training of SDCs so that they catch up.
“In terms of money, what is surprising is that most communities always say they don’t have money. What is surprising also is that if someone dies that person is speedily buried. Communities’ attitude must change. In Matabeleland we have a problem of attitude. In some areas when they talk about school, people stand up, they compete to assist,” he said.