The A-Z of GPA 2 years on

New Zimbabwe.com

By Alex T. Magaisa

17 September 2010

The “A to Z” of Zimbabwe’s Global Political Agreement – Two Years On …

Alex T. Magaisa

ON SEPTEMBER 15, 2008, the three main political actors in Zimbabwe, namely the Zanu PF, MDC-T and MDC-M signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) which formed the foundation of the coalition government that commenced business in February 2009.

September 15, 2010, marked the second anniversary of the GPA. It’s worth looking back to observe the highlights (and low-lights) of the last couple of years.

Early this year, this column featured an ‘A to Z of the lost decade’, highlighting key events of that period. Here, we do the same in respect of the GPA on this, its second anniversary.

The ‘Constitutional Letters Series’ will resume next week.

A is forAgreement Well, I suppose it’s only fitting that we start with the GPA itself – the agreement that forms the foundation of the coalition government. Without it, this creature wouldn’t exist. But the life of the coalition has also been characterised by many agreements … agreements to disagree, that is. Trust is not a word that you often associate with politics or politicians but at least, some try to pretend – in our case, there is none in evidence.  As we shall see at ‘O’ below, the lack of agreements means ‘outstanding issues’ have remained ‘outstanding’ and in all likelihood will be ‘outstanding’ for life …
B is for Biti Other than Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara, no other politician has hogged the limelight as much as Biti, the Finance Minister. He has a tough job and to be fair, he has risen to the challenge and defied doubts that surrounded his appointment. A rookie in finance and economics, it’s fair to say that Biti’s has been far stronger than most critics imagined. In the first days, he was in danger of being sidetracked by his spate with the central bank governor, Gideon Gono, which at its peak, seemed to carry personal connotations.

But after finding some comfort in the finance hot seat, he showed political skill and acumen by dealing with the issue at a policy and legislative level. The powers of the Governor were curtailed. Also, without powers to print money in the newly introduced multi-currency regime, the Governor’s facility to distribute largesse to loyalists was removed. Biti saw the bigger picture and realised he was dealing with a bull that had been legally and financially castrated. That way the Governor as an ‘outstanding issue’ is little more than symbolic.

Special mention also to David Coltart, the Education minister who appears to have been doing similarly well in his role. Credit to him especially for his symbolic refusal to take easy pickings on the Gravy Train in the early days when every other minister and MP was clamouring for luxury motor vehicles from a financially hapless government.

C is for the Constitutional Reform Process Constitutional reform has long been highly contested territory and it was one of the key issues on the agenda of the coalition government following the GPA. The process has dragged on lazily for the past few months led by the Copac, a parliamentary agency. Some parts of civil society, led by the NCA have opposed this process, arguing that it is led by self-serving politicians. Resources have been limited and the process has had to rely on donor-funding.

So Zimbabwe, a country that we were told countless times, would ‘never be a colony again’ is relying heavily on foreigners (including those often castigated as imperialists) to create its supreme law.

D for Diamonds When the GPA was signed, the national coffers were empty. The government went around the world begging for financial assistance from anyone who would care to listen. They listened alright, but the requests were given short shrift. Apart from the Chinese (who, God knows what they have got from us) and our neighbours across the Limpopo, no one has been willing to assist at government level, many citing the lack of or slow progress on political reforms. Marange’s diamonds had already been discovered and many in privileged positions had already dipped their hands into the pot. However, the mining and sale of diamonds was mired in problems. Trade in Marange diamonds was deemed illegitimate under the Kimberly Process.

The coalition government looked to the diamonds for revenues to help fund the economic recovery programme. There was a battle over whether or not Marange’s diamonds were ‘blood diamonds’ and therefore, unfit for trade under the Kimberly Process. The controversy provided a rare show of unity between ZANU PF and the MDCs against those opposising Kimberly certification. Eventually, Marange’s diamonds were certified under the KP process. The hope is that the proceeds from the sale of diamonds will be deployed to good use – that is for the public good and not to line the large pockets of those in privileged positions.

E is forElections Well, the fact that there were virtually no by-elections in the last couple of years despite vacancies following the death or expulsion of Members of Parliament. The electoral laws require by-elections to be held within a specific period following a vacancy arising in parliament. A number of MPs died during this period; a group of MDC-T MPs was expelled by its party following political disagreements. None of them has been replaced. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (‘ZEC’) does not have power to call for an election. The only man who has those powers, Mugabe, has not done so. He blames sanctions. The MDC-T that was expelled has since appealed to the courts to have the matter resolved. Judgment is eagerly awaited but the wheels of justice in politically-related cases tend to move with the caution of a chameleon.
F is for Faith Faith in two ways – first, the fact that one or more of the parties to the GPA have not exactly been faithful to its letter and spirit and second, the apparent show of allegiance to religious faith by major politicians. Both Mugabe and Tsvangirai have been seen among the white-robbed flock of the mapositori (members of the Apostolic Faith) and recently, it was reported that Tsvangirai made a pilgrimage to the Nigerian Pastor T B Joshua. The two protagonists may be pandering to the not inconsiderable vote of the vapositori or they may simply be submitting themselves to higher and more divine powers in search of the ‘Holy Grail’ – the next time they meet in an election could be a battle of Biblical proportions …
G is for Gravy Train The ‘Gravy Train’ represents an easy and lucrative means of earning riches – gravy is rich food and a train provides an easy ride. When you join the Gravy Train, you have got access to an easy way of making money – with little effort or investment. The government has always been referred to as a Gravy Train with ministers, parliamentarians, state executives or anyone remotely connected to them enjoying the easy privileges and more that is illicitly gained by virtue of their vantage positions. Not surprisingly, some of the richest people in Zimbabwe are not in business but in politics even though their official salaries do not justify their wealth and spending habits. When the MDCs joined the coalition government the hope was that there would be a change in the way of doing things. Qualms and quibbles have been raised in recent months however, as the new ministers become visibly wealthy – expanding their property portfolios and luxury motor vehicle fleets, their waistlines well in line with the ‘It’s Our Turn to Eat’ Kenyan syndrome.
H is for Hero The recent deaths of Gibson Sibanda and Sabina Mugabe brought to the forefront the problematic issue of declaring national heroes. One was an MDC leader, former Trades’ Union leader and much respected across the political divide. The other was a former ZANU PF MP and sister to the country’s president. The ZANU PF woman was declared a National Hero but the MDC man was not. An enormous debate has ensued on the criteria applied to declare national heroes and whether it is correct. But as I asked in an earlier article, is it really necessary? It has long been known that the National Hero is a ZANU PF institution, even though it is cast in national apparel by way of legislation. When the history of the nation is told, only a few of those whose remains are interred at the national shrine will make it into the category of heroes and still only a few will make it into the hearts and minds of the ordinary people as heroes.
I is forIndigenisation Law Indigenisation has long been a critical part of the ZANU PF ideology. As part of that agenda, organisations such as IBDZ, AAG and IBWO mushroomed in the 1990s In the last two years, the Saviour Kasukuwere-led Minsitry of Indigenisation has pushed the agenda for indigenisation more aggressively. The regulations requiring 51% ownership of companies has been controversial, not least because of fears that it not only scares foreign investors at a time when the country needs them but that it is yet another easy facility for the enrichment of the usual suspects. The jury is out on this one but it’s worth noting that Zimbabwe is certainly not the first country to pursue this idea of localisation/indigenisation, whatever the name and many have come to nought, particularly because of poor planning and limited business acumen.
J is for Jestina Mukoko Jestina Mukoko is the most famous name among a number of persons who, even after the signing of the GPA, found themselves suffering at the hands of the state – abducted, tortured and sitting in custody without trial for days, weeks and months. Her case became the cause célèbre of the human rights movement – it highlighted the shaky character of the coalition government and the weak position of ZANU PF’s new partners.  It strengthened the view of those who doubted ZANU PF’s sincerity and genuineness in the new dispensation.
K is for Kiya-kiya During the lean times, Zimbabweans had long got accustomed to ‘kiya-kiya’ tactics in order to survive. ‘Kiya kiya’ is Zimbabwean parlance for ‘wheeling and dealing’. Everyone became a wheeler-dealer because there was no other choice. To kiya-kiya got official endorsement when the new Finance  Minister Tendai Biti said in response to a question that they (the government) had ‘kiya-kiya-d’ to get funds. Indeed, kiya kiya-ring remains a way of life for many in Zimbabwe.
L is for Land Audit Well, actually, a land audit that has yet to see the light of day. It is written in the GPA that one of the key mandates of the coalition government is to conduct a land audit to ensure that land is fairly distributed and prevent multiple farm ownership. That has yet to be done but already talk has turned to elections in 2011. It looks like multiple farm ownership, which the land reform programme was ostensibly meant to change will continue with the beneficiaries being the political elites.
M is for Media One of the key tasks of the coalition government has been to promote institutional reforms through for example reconstituting the constitutional bodies like the Zimbabwe Election Commission and the Zimbabwe Media Commission (“ZMC”). The media received a boost when the new ZMC was announced showing a different complexion from its predecessor. It set about licensing newspapers, opening up the sector which had for so long been dominated by the state media. The electronic media however still has some way to go and the ZBC still has the lion’s share of the airwaves. The independent broadcasters still have to do so from outside Zimbabwe’s borders. ZANU PF calls them ‘pirate radio stations’ and have them on the list of ‘outstanding issues’ in the implementation of the GPA. It would be interesting to know if they have applied for licences in Zimbabwe and if so, the outcome of those applications.
N is forNathaniel Manheru Well, actually, ‘the fall and rise of Manheru’, the visceral columnist in the state-owned The Herald newspaper, whose ‘resurrection’ didn’t take long after his demise at the advent of the GPA.  It is the trajectory of Manheru that is of importance in so far as it symbolises the direction of his masters. After the GPA, Manheru announced his farewell. His pen had been most unkind to the MDC and all perceived opponents of ZANU PF, which, in his world, is the same as Zimbabwe. Laying down his pen was some kind of ceasefire. But it didn’t take long. After a few months Manheru was back, with added vigour and vitriol – signs of a man and his masters who are clearly confident after the rocky ride in 2008 when they were literally clutching at the straws. It is as if nothing has changed; a sign perhaps to use the old cliché, that the more things change, the more they remain the same.  Manheru is a symbol of the fact that behind the veil of the coalition government ZANU PF is still very much in charge and vanoita madiro akamba (they do as they please).
O is forOutstanding Issues I wouldn’t be surprised if somewhere in a corner of Zimbabwe there is a young baby or more carrying the names ‘Outstanding’, ‘Issues’ or a combination of both. For such has been the dominance of this matter of ‘outstanding issues’ ever since the signing of the GPA. Right from the start, there were ‘outstanding issues’ – they delayed the formation of the coalition government for almost 5 months; and even when it commenced business, there were still ‘outstanding issues’. Today, two years down the line, there are still ‘outstanding issues’.
P is for Prestige Events It is not uncommon for less popular regimes to prop up their image by providing a bit of fun and games to the masses of ordinary people. It takes their minds off weightier matters and for those few hours at least they are transported into dreamland, away from their daily problems. The coalition government is not exactly unpopular but it is not popular either. It is not sure of itself so when opportunities have arisen, it has laid out prestige events the most recent of which were the Akon/Sean Paul music shows and in June, the Zimbabwe v Brazil football match. True, these ‘once in a life time’ events held in the name of promoting Zimbabwe as a tourist destination have pleased many a people but it has to be said that the financially troubled government has forked out millions of scarce US dollars to host these businessmen from Brazil, the US & Jamaica – and quite likely the bank managers of the rent-seekers in and around government have been very happy, too. A reminder here that prestige events of this type are not new and their real utility other than the few moments of pleasure remain doubtful.  Zaire’s former dictator Mobutu Sese Seko once hosted the ‘Rumble in the Jungle’ – the Heavyweight boxing match between Muhammad Ali and George Foreman way back in 1974. Today, the people of Zaire (now DRC) are still wallowing in the quagmire of turmoil and strife.
Q is forQuestions The coalition government has done little to put down the many questions surrounding Zimbabwe. How long will the coalition government last? Will there ever be a free and fair election? Will Mugabe contest the election again? Do they trust each other in the coalition government? What exactly do they talk about when they are together? Will there be a national healing process and if so will offenders be brought to book? Will the Zimbabwe dollar return and if so, when? What will happen tomorrow? These and many more questions abound. There are answers, just questions all around.
R is for Roy Bennett. Few names have dominated political discussion in Zimbabwe as has Roy Bennett’s. Selected for the position of Deputy Minister for Agriculture by PM Tsvangirai, President Mugabe has steadfastly refused to swear him into office. At first Mugabe said Bennett was facing serious criminal charges so he was not fit to be sworn in as a minister. This was not withstanding that others like MDC-T’s Tendai biti had already been sworn in as Finance Minister despite facing serious criminal charges. Then Bennett was acquitted by the High Court. Tsvangirai’s faction of ministers was re-shuffled a few months ago. They were happily sworn in by Mugabe but Bennett was still missing – still an ‘outstanding issue’ and likely always will be.
S is for SADC The regional body is one of the guarantors of the GPA, which was brokered by former South Africa President, Thabo Mbeki (where is he?). The Zimbabwe issue has occupied the regional body for many an hour. SADC has issued communiqué after communiqué; set deadline after deadline but Zimbabwe remains a troublesome child. Even the SADC Tribunal, itself a noble idea and institution, could not survive the Zimbabwe problem. After judgments in favour of white farmers on the land issue, Zimbabwe flatly refused to honour them questioning the legitimacy of the Tribunal. When the Tribunal referred the matter to the SADC Heads of State Summit, it was the Tribunal itself that got suspended! SADC will not solve the problems in Zimbabwe; at best, it only seeks to manage the crisis, looking to limit the damage.

In this regard I must mention there was a time when I used the image of the Mafia to describe SADC – that it is a ‘Family’ in the Mafia parlance, in which the Heads of State are no more than ‘Godfathers’ (or Bosses) of their respective families. But Mugabe is more than a ‘Boss’ –rather, he is what they refer to as the Capo Di Tutti Capi (the Boss of all Bosses). And when the Capo says there is a stone in his shoe that is bothering him, the other bosses simply help him to move it so that it’s less uncomfortable. Tsvangirai/ MDC are the little stones in the Capo’s shoe. http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/magaisa49.16279.html

T is forTargeted Sanctions Some prefer to call them ‘sanctions’, other use ‘targeted sanctions’ and still others refer to them as ‘restrictive measures’. Whatever the name, this is one issue that won’t go away soon and has bedevilled the new government. Two years after the GPA, many ZANU PF politicians, including President Mugabe, remain on the list persons banned from the European Union and the United States (generally referred to as the West). ZANU PF insists sanctions must be removed as a condition for political reform and has insisted that its new bedfellow, the MDCs must do more to get them lifted. ZANU PF blames the MDCs of calling for sanctions in the first place.

The MDC has found the sanctions issue rather tricky – when they were in opposition, sanctions against ZANU PF leaders were tools in their arsenal but now that they are sharing power, they know they can’t publicly insist on the maintenance of those sanctions. Yet at the same time, they know that even in this power-sharing government, ZANU PF retains the lion’s share of power and their sincerity remains in doubt. But the biggest point is that even they (in the MDC) know it’s out of their hands because they have no power to direct the removal of the sanctions. Interestingly, the US Congress has been taking tentative steps to remove the sanctions. But the UK still prohibits its cricket teams from touring Zimbabwe. The sanctions issue will continue to dog the unity government.

U is for US Dollar The Central Statistical Office (CSO) reported that the annual inflation rate in Zimbabwe rose to 231 million percent in July 2008. Apparently, by the end of 2008, inflation was estimated at 6.5 quindecillion novemdecillion percent (I am advised this means 65 followed by 107 zeros). It’s fair to say students of economics will in future find Zimbabwe a perfect case study on hyperinflation and in that regard our leaders have made a small contribution to the discipline they call the Dismal Science. The practical result was that by February 2009, the Zimbabwe dollar was virtually worthless and no reasonable businessperson (or ordinary person) was willing to accept it for the provision of goods and services. Acting Minister Chinamasa’s announcement in January 2009 that the US dollar and other currencies would be permitted was confirmed by Finance Minister Biti in April when he presented the Short-Term Economic Recovery Programme (STERP). So Zimbabwe, a country that would ‘never be a colony again’ had freely adopted the US dollar. (It is especially fitting that the initial announcement was made by a ZANU PF minister, something that, interestingly, they seem to happily take credit for).
V is for Vultures Vultures thrive on the demise of others. They lie in wait as death stalks its prey and then they pounce.  Similarly, Zimbabwe has its fair share of vultures of the human kind. They pounce on other people’s businesses, property, etc. They still do it.
W is for theWorld Cup Alright, it wasn’t in Zimbabwe but we were close enough to catch the sounds of the Vuvuzela. For a month, Zimbabweans joined the rest of the world to celebrate the Beautiful Game. It was good while it lasted. But it’s gone now and all we have are memories. It’s back to reality – the reality that even though we waved South African flags together with South Africans, some of them are keen to remind us that we are Zimbabweans and we are not quite welcome which leads us to …
X is forXenophobia The fact that xenophobia has hardly dissipated. The bloodbath that was promised after the World Cup did not quite happen as feared but still reports indicate that black foreigners across the Limpopo are at risk. The SA government has recently announced that the special immigration dispensation to Zimbabwe will be lifted – ah, see, the World Cup is over, remember?

Back home, we are no saints. Under the guise of indigenisation there is a whiff of xenophobia too. Foreigners must sell up 51% of their business to the locals. Empowering local people is not a bad thing but the message could be sold in a better fashion – without aggression or violence or any suggestions of the same. Before we accuse others of xenophobia, we must also lead by example and avoid behaviour that might be interpreted as xenophobic.

Y is for You As a Zimbabwean, the question is what have you done and what has the coalition government meant for you? Food for thought. We are a nation of perennial moaners. Something has to change and it starts with the individual.
Z is for‘Zhingaz’ Z is for ‘Zhingaz’ a derivative of the old term ‘Zhing-Zhong’ in reference to sub-standard goods imported from China that have flooded the market in recent years.

I admit there will be other more imaginative ways of capturing the events of the last two years of the GPA. As you read, I am sure you have alternative highlights – things that captured your attention and imagination in the last couple of years as the coalition government has trudged on.

I am not ashamed to admit that when the GPA was signed, I was among those who thought the options were limited and that it was the lesser of many evils available at the time. I don’t know if it has made a difference but I do know that thee is a difference in the physical appearance and atmosphere among the people I met between the end of 2007 and the start of 2010.

Virtually every person that I have met at home has described 2008 as the year of the greatest suffering. They way they describe it, you’re almost moved to regret that you weren’t there to experience that moment of history. There are many challenges still, no doubt, but the GPA provided a soothing effect, albeit temporary, to a severely wounded nation.

Alex T. Magaisa is based at Kent Law School, University of Kent and can be reached at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk