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Mail and Guardian (SA)

The MDC’s decision to suspend its participation in further elections pending Zimbabwe’s compliance with the new SADC guidelines and principles for democratic elections seems to have taken many by surprise.

It was assumed that the MDC would continue to place blind faith in Zanu (PF) eventually opening up the democratic space and restoring citizens’ hard earned democratic rights to participate freely in the democratic process. The MDC has, after all, participated in numerous deeply flawed elections since 2000.

Since the disputed March 2002 Presidential elections we have tried in vain to enter into dialogue with Zanu (PF) to build a national political consensus on the way forward; a consensus that is a pre-requisite for tackling Zimbabwe’s multi-faceted crisis.

The obstinacy of Zanu (PF) towards introducing the reforms that are needed to restore genuine, democratic elections prompted the MDC, in January of this year, to publish our own set of minimum standards for elections in our document entitled ‘Restore’. Our aim was to give Zanu (PF) sufficient time to implement these standards ahead of the March 2005 parliamentary elections.

When Mr. Mugabe agreed with other SADC leaders in Mauritius on a comprehensive set of standards for elections that captured the essential elements of our ‘Restore document’, it appeared that Zanu (PF) would finally embark upon a comprehensive programme of democratic reform in line with SADC standards.

Sadly, the publication by the Government of Zimbabwe, within days of the adoption of the Mauritius principles, of a new draconian Bill to repress and control the activities of human rights organizations made it immediately apparent that the electoral environment in Zimbabwe is actually getting worse, not better, since the Mauritius agreement.

The Zimbabwe Independent

Iden Wetherell’s opinion piece “where is the yellow card?” in the Mail and Guardian 3rd September 2004 cannot go unanswered.

It is argued that we should have given the Mugabe regime a yellow card prior to making the collective decision to suspend participation in all elections until there is full compliance with the new SADC protocol on election standards. This is despite the MDC’s track record of issuing yellow cards for the past five years in an attempt to restore transparency and fairness to Zimbabwe’s electoral process.

The MDC has engaged in unprecedented litigation since the June 2000 parliamentary elections to expose flaws in Zimbabwe’s electoral system, with more than 38 parliamentary court challenges and the presidential challenge (involving over 20 side applications). Despite the subversion of the judiciary we diligently continue to expose fraud in our electoral process.

Extensive work was done by the MDC to explain to Zimbabweans and the international community the serious fraud and flaws exposed by this litigation. Meetings have been held with the likes of President Mbeki, President Wade, President Obasanjo, and other African leaders to explain how Zimbabwe’s electoral system is so seriously flawed.

During four years in Parliament the MDC caucus has done all in its power to reform Zimbabwe’s electoral system. The Parliamentary Justice committee, chaired by the MDC, conducted vigorous enquiries regarding this issue in the run-up to the 2002 presidential election.

Hardly a parliamentary week passes without MDC MPs raising questions about, or debating electoral issues. In the course of these debates the MDC extracted some concessions agreed to by the Mugabe regime, such as using indelible visible ink to mark voters in future. Regretfully, Zimbabwe’s privately owned newspapers are seldom in parliament to report the MDC’s efforts in this regard.

Financial Gazette

A BICAMERAL Parliament with 260-members, among other far-reaching changes to Zimbabwe’s august House, has been mooted, but analysts say the two-chamber legislature will be “toothless” unless it assumes “real” power.

A bicameral parliamentary system provides for two chambers and observers say this prevents enactment of ill-considered laws by providing checks and balances.

Of particular interest to gender activists in Zimbabwe is the proposed setting aside of 50 special seats for women to be brought to Parliament through proportional representation.

Analysts and political commentators who spoke to The Financial Gazette were unanimous that the proposed overhaul of Zimbabwe’s Parliament, though necessary for good governance in a democracy, was not a priority at present as long as the legislature had little authority compared to other arms of government. The other arms of government are the Executive and the Judiciary.

The analysts said constitutional reform, which among other things should see the curtailment of the powers of the Executive, was more paramount in Zimbabwe today than the establishment of a bicameral Parliament.

Presently, the Parliament of Zimbabwe has 150 legislators comprising 120 elected and 30 non-constituency members.

ZANU PF has submitted to the Executive a proposal to expand Parliament by creating a two-chamber house consisting of 260 members.

According to a draft proposal shown to The Financial Gazette, the ruling party proposes 150 elected legislators, 50 special seats for women and a 60-member Senate.

Of the proposed 60 senators, 40 would be brought to the House through proportional representation per province, same as the proposed 50 special seats for women.

The President of Zimbabwe, under the scheme currently under discussion within both ZANU PF and the main opposition circles, would have the prerogative to appoint 10 governors and 10 traditional chiefs, bringing the total number in the Senate to 60.