The reasons why I cannot join the Tsvangirai faction
It is 7 months since the divisive meeting of the MDC National Executive was held on the 12th October 2005. I have refrained from making public statements since then but am now of the view that the public have a right to know my perspective.
I have always believed that the two factions of the MDC, which emerged after the 12th October 2005 meeting, would never be as strong independent of each other as they were as one united party. Accordingly despite my deep concerns about certain issues, I felt it was necessary to try to reconcile the two factions and, failing that, to broker an amicable divorce between them. Moments after Morgan Tsvangirai walked out of the National Executive meeting on the 12th October I proposed that the remaining members of the Management Committee meet with him urgently to convey our continued support for him as MDC leader and our desire to accommodate his concerns.
During October, November and December I met with and wrote to MDC National Executive members in both factions urging them to refrain from making the vitriolic statements that so badly exacerbated the tensions between the two camps. For example, on the 12th November I met with Morgan Tsvangirai in Bulawayo and urged him to reign in those in his camp making divisive and inflammatory statements. On the 19th November I met with Gibson Sibanda, Gift Chimanikire and Job Sikhala. I urged Gibson Sibanda, likewise, to reign in those in his camp and I challenged Gift Chimanikire and Job Sikhala regarding some of the statements made by them. I repeatedly wrote and spoke to Eddie Cross during October, November and December about some of his newsletters which in my opinion exacerbated tensions between the two factions.
Believing that the unresolved intra party violence was one of the main stumbling blocks to reconciliation I put forward proposals to both Morgan Tsvangirai and Gibson Sibanda in November and December as to how that issue could be dealt with. When it became apparent to me in January, for reasons I will elaborate on below, that those proposals would not be accepted I accepted that reconciliation was unlikely. I however made a few further attempts to reconcile. I met with Morgan Tsvangirai and a few leaders of his faction in Bulawayo on the 27th January and urged those leaders, who were responsible for making divisive statements, to stop. I met with other leaders in both factions in January and early February but by mid February it was clear that both factions were determined to go ahead with their respective Congresses and that the holding of separate Congresses would end any hope of reconciliation.
Accordingly on the 20th February I wrote identical letters to both Morgan Tsvangirai and Gibson Sibanda advising them that I would attend neither of the Congresses and would not seek office in either faction. I offered to assist, with others, to mediate a settlement between the two factions. In doing so I did not offer to arbitrate (in other words I did not suggest that I be given any power to decide finally on the various contentious issues). I set out what I believed to be the contentious issues, including the question of the name, the assets of the party and the position of MPs. I did not suggest how I thought those issues should be resolved. In other words I did not say which faction I thought, for example, should be allowed to use the name. All I set out was a suggested process in terms of which these issues could be resolved. I stressed that irrespective of whatever support either faction thought it enjoyed these issues could only be resolved through either mediation or litigation. I pointed out that litigation would not be in either faction’s best interests as that route would effectively give Zanu PF the power to determine the length of the process and the final outcome.
I concluded by recognising that both leaders would have to await their respective Congresses and the election of respective National Executives before responding to my offer. I also said that once the mediation process was over I would then have to decide on my own political future. Both letters were hand delivered. On the 29th March I received a letter from the Mutambara faction accepting my offer to mediate. Having not heard from the Tsvangirai faction I spoke and wrote to several National Executive members of the Tsvangirai faction to ask them whether the issue had been discussed. Eventually on the 2nd May I received a letter from Tendai Biti, in his capacity as Secretary General of the Tsvangirai faction, rejecting my offer to mediate.
I can but speculate why my offer was rejected. One of the reasons given by Tendai Biti was that I was not neutral, something that I readily concede and indeed made mention of in my original letters to Tsvangirai and Sibanda. I pointed out that no-one is genuinely neutral, and I am no different, but some have to at least try to mediate if litigation is to be avoided. Other National Executive members of the Tsvangirai faction I have spoken to state that they found themselves in a catch 22 situation: if they agreed to mediate that would undermine their claim that there is in fact no division and therefore no need for an amicable divorce (with the corollary that the Mutambara faction is not a faction at all but just a small renegade break away group); and yet if they turned me down on those grounds it would appear petty in the minds of MDC supporters who are generally distressed by the divisions and who would like the dispute to be resolved amicably.
Be that as it may the fact is that my own efforts to mediate have clearly failed and I must now move on. I have indicated recently that I have one of four options: to join the Tsvangirai faction, join the Mutambara faction, be an independent or resign and go back to civil society. Becoming an independent is well nigh impossible constitutionally and not attractive personally. Most people I have consulted with so far want me to remain in politics and I believe that I have an obligation to the people who elected me. That leaves me with a choice between the two factions, neither of which is palatable because of my fundamental belief that the split has gravely weakened the opposition in its battle to bring freedom and democracy to Zimbabwe.
The reasons for the split in the MDC are numerous and complex. It has become a deeply emotive issue and many are so entrenched in their positions that they have stopped listening. Accordingly it will serve no purpose to enumerate or analyse all the reasons for the split. I will simply deal with what is for me personally the key issue, namely our commitment to non violence in waging this battle against tyranny. I reiterate that there are many other important issues involved but our approach to this particular issue is pivotal to me.
I have had the misfortune of experiencing two civil wars in Zimbabwe. As a teenager I saw the horrors of war first hand during the liberation struggle. As a young lawyer I had to represent many victims of the Gukurahundi and my wife, a physiotherapist, had to treat many of the injured. Those experiences made me vow that I would do all in my power to prevent further conflict in Zimbabwe. Those experiences taught me to be very sceptical of elderly politicians who are very happy to sacrifice the lives of gullible and impressionable youths to achieve their own political ends.
Zimbabwe is afflicted with a disease akin to alcoholism, namely endemic violence. For well over 150 years leaders of this beautiful country, bounded by the Zambezi and Limpopo, have used violence to achieve their political objectives. Violence was used by Lobengula to suppress the Shona. Violence was used to colonise and the threat of violence was used to maintain white minority rule. Violence was used to overthrow the white minority. And since independence violence has been used to crush legitimate political opposition. The use of violence has been compounded by another phenomenon - namely a culture of impunity. Those responsible for use of violence have never been brought to book. Not only is there a long history of violence being used successfully to achieve political objectives but also those who have committed horrendous crimes have prospered through their actions. As a result the use of violence is now deeply imbedded in our national psyche. Political violence is accepted as the norm.
Political violence is not the norm in democratic societies. It may be the norm in tyrannical states; it may have been used in the formative stages of democracies. But it is now anathema in democracies. There is also no doubt that the use of violence inhibits economic development and creates a whole barrage of social problems including domestic violence. The sustained and long term use of violence in Zimbabwe lies at the very core of many of the problems our nation faces today. We are indeed afflicted by a very serious disease and need help.
What then attracted me most to the MDC was its commitment to breaking this cycle of violence by using non violent means to achieve its political objectives. I was also impressed by its commitment to end impunity in Zimbabwe. Whilst there has always been a vigorous debate within the MDC about whether tyranny could be ended solely through the use of non violent methods, there was always a broad consensus that this was the only course open to us if we were to act in the long term national interest. It goes without saying that there was a similar consensus regarding the intra party operations of the MDC. For me this was clear cut battle between the MDC, committed to non violence, and Zanu PF, a party that boasted of having “degrees in violence”.
Accordingly the attempt by some MDC youths to murder MDC Director for Security, Peter Guhu, on the 28th September 2004 in Harvest House was deeply shocking, because it breached a fundamental tenet of what we stood for. Even worse were the subsequent revelations made at the enquiry into the Guhu incident that senior ranking MDC officials and employees were either involved or sympathetic to the youths. No action was taken against any of those responsible for this violence and in that inaction we saw for the first time a culture of impunity developing within the MDC itself, which in some respects was the worst thing of all. Young men often have a predisposition towards violence; that happens the world over and Zimbabwe is no different. What controls that predisposition is the manner in which it is handled by leaders. If it is not dealt with a culture of impunity develops and violence perpetuates itself.
That is precisely what happened. Those responsible for the September 2004 violence were not immediately disciplined and it came as no surprise when the same youths were used to seriously assault MDC staff members in mid May 2005. A further enquiry was held and its report was presented to the National Council meeting held on the 25th June 2005. It was resolved that one member of staff found responsible for directing the youths be expelled. The youths themselves had already been expelled in late May by the Management Committee and the expulsion of the youths was confirmed. That was undoubtedly progress but regrettably it was clear from the evidence that other senior members of the MDC and staff members were also involved or sympathetic towards the youths. Before a full debate about their fate could be held the meeting was ended much to the dissatisfaction of many, including myself.
I was so concerned about our failure to get to the bottom of the violence that I prepared a statement that was tabled at the next meeting of the National Executive held on the 15th July. Parts of it bear repeating:
“The MDC’s commitment to nonviolence, demonstrated so powerfully in the last six years, has earned us deep respect both within Zimbabwe and internationally. It has ensured that we command the moral high ground. It has also been our most powerful weapon against ZANU PF as we have been determined not to fight them on ground they are familiar with.
The attempted murder of the Director for Security last year and the assaults on loyal members of staff in May constitute the most serious assault on the credibility of the MDC since it was established in September 1999. These actions have already seriously undermined the credibility of the MDC.
I believe that our commitment to nonviolence is so fundamental that extraordinary measures need to be taken in dealing with this scourge. If we do not send out a clear and unequivocal message to Zimbabweans in general and in particular to our own members and staff that violence will not be tolerated then we will simply reduce the standing of the MDC to that of our opposition ZANU PF.”
I reiterated my belief that the investigation had been incomplete and that further investigations and disciplinary action was needed. Regrettably none of my recommendations were adopted.
The party accordingly lurched forward towards the Senate issue with these very serious issues remaining unresolved and whilst, as I have stated above there are many different reasons for why the MDC split on the 12th October, few seem to appreciate the profound influence these issues had on the decision taken that day. The situation was compounded by the fact that in the National Executive meeting held on the 12th October it emerged that some of the same people suspected of being behind the September 2004 and May 2005 violence (but not disciplined) were also organising teams to intimidate Provincial committees to vote against participation in the senate. For example Manicaland, a Province inclined against participation, came with a delegation instructed to vote for participation in direct reaction to the intimidatory tactics employed. Delegates from other Provinces made similar complaints in the meeting. Indeed several National Executive members who were personally against participation voted for participation in protest against these intimidatory tactics. To that extent the vote to participate in the senatorial elections had very little to do with the elections per se and more to do with the philosophy of the MDC.
It was with this in mind that I suggested to Morgan Tsvangirai when I met him on the 12th November that an independent commission of enquiry into violence be established. I suggested that Harare lawyer Innocent Chagonda and retied judge Washington Sansole be appointed to investigate and report on all the allegations of intra party violence, including allegations made by those in the so called anti senate camp against those in the pro senate camp. Tsvangirai promised to consider the suggestion.
It was particularly poignant that on the very evening after I discussed this issue with Morgan Tsvangirai a supporter of the Tsvangirai faction Bekithemba Nyathi was seriously injured by youths from the so called pro senate faction. This incident made it all the more imperative that the issue be firmly addressed and that violence be completely rooted out.
I pursued the suggestion over the next few weeks and discussed it with Gibson Sibanda as well. On the 8th December I received a call from Innocent Chagonda advising that he was phoning on behalf of Morgan Tsvangirai to advise that he (that is Chagonda) felt he could not be on the commission but that Tsvangirai wanted me to chair it. I replied in writing the same day and suggested the following terms be applied:
- The commission shall investigate the circumstances, causes and participants of all intra-party violence afflicting the MDC throughout the country with effect from 1st October 2004 (I was under the impression then that Peter Guhu had been assaulted in October 2004) up until 31st December 2005;
- The commission shall have the right to subpoena any witnesses and all members of the party shall co-operate with the commission, and if they do not co-operate that action in itself will result in disciplinary action against the person concerned (we cannot have the situation that prevailed last year when a key witness refused to appear - obviously every person has the right to refuse in terms of Zimbabwe’s laws but if they do so then they render themselves liable to party discipline);
- The commission shall report on its findings to the National Council and shall make recommendations to the National Council;
- The National Council shall make the findings public within one week of the production of the report, failing which the commission shall have the right to make the same public;
- In cases where the report finds that a member has been involved in violent acts directly or indirectly, or has been responsible for organising the same, the National Council shall immediately refer the case to the Disciplinary Committee and request the Chairperson of the DC to suspend the member in terms of Section 9.1 of the Disciplinary Code of Conduct pending the appearance of the member before the DC;
- The commission shall be comprised of (at your suggestion) myself as chair and (at my suggestion) Washington Sansole and Beatrice Mtetwa and if needs be decisions regarding findings of fact and recommendations shall be by majority vote;
- The commission shall endeavour to complete its work before the party’s congress and any person found, prima facie, to be involved in violence shall be barred from contesting for office at the congress.
I the same letter I advised that I had discussed the matter with Gibson Sibanda who had agreed to the suggestion in principle. I pointed out that the suggestion would only work if both factions supported the initiative and said that I hoped it could get under way early in the New Year. Having not heard back from Innocent Chagonda I wrote to him again on the 8th January 2006 asking to hear from him urgently. A few days later I was phoned by a senior National Executive member in the Tsvangirai faction to say that my proposal was a “dead letter”. It was explained to me that Morgan Tsvangirai was no longer interested in pursuing the suggestion. I subsequently had a private meeting with Tsvangirai on the 27th January and it was clear in that meeting that he was not interested in pursuing the proposal any further. It was also then clear to me that reconciliation was impossible and from that moment on I changed tack and promoted the concept of an amicable divorce between the two factions.
The two factions’ Congresses have now come and gone. I have of course hoped that irrespective of my efforts the violence issue would be addressed by both factions. I had hoped that the mediation process itself would yield an agreement that would prevent inter factional violence. Accordingly I have taken the rejection of the effort to mediate by the Tsvangirai faction as an indication that there is still no desire to tackle this disease.
In addition I have become increasingly dismayed by the following:
- The senior member of staff dismissed by the National Council in its June 2005 meeting has been re-employed by the Tsvangirai faction.
- The youths responsible for the violence in Harvest House in September 2004 and May 2005 expelled from the party by the Management Committee (and endorsed by the National Council) have been re-employed by the Tsvangirai faction.
- At least one of these youths was involved in the unlawful hi-jacking of a vehicle in the lawful possession of the Mutambara faction in March. It appears as if no internal disciplinary action has been taken against that youth.
- The senior members of the National Executive and MPs implicated in the Harvest House violence were all elected to the National Executive and some are on the new Management Committee of the Tsvangirai faction.
- Senior members of staff implicated in the Harvest House violence have retained their positions.
- Tsvangirai faction Chairman of Harare Province Morgan Femai was quoted in the press as having told a rally in Mufakoze on the 2nd April 2006 that “before we remove Zanu PF we will stamp them (the Mutambara faction) out.” No statement rebutting this policy has been issued by the leadership of the Tsvangirai faction.
- The Tsvangirai faction’s winning candidate in Budiriro is one of the very people suspended by the MDC National Council in June last year for 2 years on the accusation of being involved in the Harvest House violence.
- The Budiriro by election has been marked by violence and illegal activity including the tearing down of the Mutambara faction candidate’s posters.
In the last few weeks leaders within the Tsvangirai faction, including Morgan Tsvangirai himself, have spoken about their commitment to non violence. That is obviously a step in the right direction but mere statements do not impress me. Even Zanu PF leaders have spoken about their belief in non violence recently. In this regard the pledge that Martin Luther King drafted in 1963 is relevant. All those involved in non violent civil disobedience activities in Alabama were required to “refrain from the violence of the fist, tongue and heart”. It is the last injunction that is all important; for it is easy for leaders themselves not to be involved in violent activities and to convey the pretence of a commitment to non violence in their speeches. Zimbabwe’s history is littered with examples of leaders who have preached non violence whilst at the same time have organised violent actions behind closed doors. This gets to the very nub of my concerns - for it appears to me that the Tsvangirai faction has shown no inclination whatsoever to deal with this cancer. Indeed if anything it would appear that the only concern of leadership of that faction is not to be openly associated with violence. All the evidence, as set out above, points to an inclination merely to pay lip service to the principle of non violence, and to ensure that all those responsible for violent acts in the past are free to use similar tactics in future.
In contrast it seems to me that the Mutambara faction is prepared to root out the problem. It is willing to set up an independent enquiry to investigate and address all incidents of intra party violence and was prepared to engage in mediation. It has not sought to protect the youths responsible for the assault on Bekithemba Nyathi, all of whom are now facing criminal charges. From the evidence before me it seems that the Mutambara faction has not pursued a violent or unlawful course since its Congress. In stating this I am not suggesting that the Mutambara faction is made up of saints; there is no such thing in politics. But it does appear to me that it is at least prepared to confront the problem.
Some may consider my concern about violence as trivial. Some have argued that because we are confronting an evil regime fire must be used against fire. Others have argued that non violent techniques were appropriate when Gandhi tackled British colonialists in India and when Martin Luther King challenged racism in the USA, but that these techniques are wholly inappropriate in confronting a violent Zanu PF regime. I have been criticised for being naïve or out of touch with reality. In any event, say others, the most important task is to remove the regime and the issue of violence can be addressed once the main task has been completed. The same people argue that one should therefore back the faction that has the most support irrespective of the techniques they use. In essence their argument is that the end justifies the means.
I beg to differ for a number of reasons.
Firstly, I think the failure to deal with violence within our own ranks now is of paramount importance for the future of Zimbabwe. If we perpetuate violence and impunity ourselves how will we ever address this problem nationally? And if it is not addressed nationally then are we not then going to ensure that this cycle of violence and impunity is perpetuated. Edmund Burke once wrote:
“The use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a moment: but it does not remove the necessity of subduing again; and a nation is not governed which is to be perpetually conquered.”
If we are going to change Zimbabwe into a modern, successful, democratic state we simply have to break this cycle of violence now. We will find that if we do not stamp out violence in our ranks now it will come back to haunt us. If we do not prevent leaders with violent inclinations from gaining high office within the opposition they will naturally assume influential positions in government and once they have done so they will then have access to all the levers of national governmental power - a far more frightening prospect. Given their natures, which are there for all to see, there is no doubt that they will continue to use the violent methods they employed in opposition, in government. Ironically that is precisely the Zimbabwean experience of the last 26 years but we do not appear to have learnt a thing.
Secondly, we must realise that we are a nation in denial regarding the extent of this problem. We are a bit like an alcoholic. We do not recognise this default mode of resorting to violence as a disease. We have become so accustomed to violence being used as an acceptable political weapon that we have lost sight of the fact that the democratic world has moved on and that such methods are anathema elsewhere. We do not recognise that we have adopted the very same methods as the regime we oppose. By a silent and insidious process of osmosis we have absorbed this disease and tragically we do not understand the extent of the problem. We are so consumed by the Zimbabwean catastrophe that we do not understand why we need to take bold and decisive measures to heal this affliction in own ranks. I have no doubt that our failure to nip this problem in the bud is the single biggest cause of the MDC split. If we do not deal with it now then our political woes will continue.
Thirdly, non violent methods are the most effective in tackling this regime. It is wrong to think that non violence and civil disobedience/mass action are incompatible or that anyone who believes in non violence opposes mass action. On the contrary peaceful mass action is the very thing that the Zanu PF regime fears the most. But you cannot expect leaders with a predilection for violence to organise peaceful mass action successfully. If youths are undisciplined and given free reign in dealing with internal party issues then it is inevitable that they will use similar methods in confronting the regime. However if leaders have instilled discipline in their subordinates they can have confidence that any demonstrations they lead will not degenerate into violence. I suspect that one of the reasons Morgan Tsvangirai, and other MDC leaders from both factions for that matter, have not lead protest marches yet is because they may have little confidence in the discipline of their followers. The problem now is that these methods may have become deeply ingrained and in the 100 or so days left in this short winter of discontent it will be difficult to change those ways.
Fourthly, the method most feared by the regime is non violence for the simple reason that they have no answer to it. The regime’s claim to have “degrees in violence” is no idle boast. This is the very territory they are most comfortable in. Their gratuitous acts of violence in the last 6 years have not just been designed to intimidate; they have also been designed to provoke the opposition into a physical fight. The regime desperately needs a pretext to use all the power at its disposal. In addition the regime desperately needs a scapegoat or a diversion because it has no answer to the economic problems it has created for itself. It simply does not wash with the public for these woes to be blamed on sanctions or drought. But if the nation were to descend into a bloodbath it will have a wonderful diversion - which it will if mass action is not carefully organised by people who have a deep rooted commitment to, and understanding of, non violent techniques.
Leadership is ultimately about taking responsibility for the welfare of others. Good leaders have a responsibility to ensure that the people who repose faith in them are not unnecessarily endangered. If a political leader is privy to information that can harm his or her followers (which information those followers do not have) then that leader has a responsibility to warn those followers of the potential danger. Leaders must not simply listen to what people at grassroots are thinking and follow what they want to do willy- nilly. Whilst leaders must obviously respect the goodwill and wishes of their supporters, if they know that the beliefs of their supporters are based on falsehoods, misconceptions or propaganda, leaders have an obligation to warn people. Leaders cannot just act like lemmings and hurtle over the cliff with their supporters simply because the majority of people are doing that. If leaders know that an organisation their supporters have placed so much faith in has serious flaws then they have a duty to warn people of those flaws. If leaders do not then they fail the very people whose welfare they are responsible for.
It is in this context that I have decided that I would do a disservice to the people who have elected me and put so much faith in me if I were to join a faction of the MDC which I fear does not appreciate the gravity of the problem caused by its failure to root out violence. I am not swayed by mere numbers; if I were I would have joined Zanu PF a long time ago. I am not swayed by the undeniable fact that the Mutambara faction of the MDC has a mountain to climb if it is ever to rule Zimbabwe. What I am swayed by is the responsibility I have to the people who long for a new beginning and an end to the long and desolate nightmare of fascist rule. Until leaders take a principled stand to break the cycle of violence and impunity in Zimbabwe no meaningful and long term solutions will be found to the crisis Zimbabwe finds itself in today.
David Coltart
Bulawayo
26th May 2006
This articles expands on the article published today in the Zimbabwean Independent and titled ‘MDC must deal with violence in its own ranks‘. The shorter version of this text - the one published in the Independent - was emailed out today to all my subscribers. If you would like to receive mailings from me, then please click here to automatically add your name to my mailing list.
The reasons why I cannot join the Tsvangirai faction of the MDC - 26 May 2006
May 29th, 2006 at 2:13 pm
Great article of courage and integrity.
Need to shore up your support with as many civil, non-political and foreign institutions as possible.
Need to target real change in the rural communities (an area where - the urban areas appear to be won over.
The question is not how big is your island but how bright is the light of your message. The brighter the more enemies.
Take care my friend.
May 29th, 2006 at 10:35 pm
Hon. David Coltart
I have had the priviledge of hearing about you and think you are a serious bidder for positive change. Not just driven by affinity for power . I hope I am right in my judgement of you . I have heard of your efforts in the community that are inclined to service rather than seeking to be recognised . I am not God but i think you are genuine and thoat is my kind that i seek to associate with. I have heard you speak in public and my ward has bennefited from your donation to the ward 26 recreation centre , i have heard you are on boards of scools like Petra and are associated with cricket clubs etc.
Let me say do not get tired of doing good. There is ONE who tries the reins of the heart.
May 30th, 2006 at 10:09 am
Dear David,
I strongly respect you for having noted a catalogue events of violence perpetrated by the MDC since its formation up to now, yet they claim to be a democratic party. We cannot use the tactics of a ditactor to fight a ditactor, yet Tsvangirai’s refusal to respect the outcome of a vote within his own ranks is a dangerous gesture from someone who is aspiring to be the president of a country.
The people of Zimbabwe have been very unfortunate in their fight for democracy.
Thanks,
Hla.
May 30th, 2006 at 1:30 pm
David Iam responding to your article about but I vehemently disagree with what your article tries to show that the October 12 events which resulted in the split was as a result of Party violence within MDC.
I categorically blame the leadership of MDC not only Tsvangirai or Sibanda but there was a cancer amongst MDC of trying to renew the leadership and accept those leaders that were acceptable to our neighbours.
Amongst the structures of MDC the congress was going to be the perfect platform to solve all disputes but why did you and company not wait for such event to solve the dispute and moreover a Party like MDC with its own legal status can not be decided by the leadership only but by membership including me .Is it not true that the voting that was called on October 12 was ultra vires the provision of the Constitution as the National Council was a management body of the party and was not suppose to call a vote on matters of principle.
The way forward is lets get on with life why do we still want to open our arm pits in public and there should never be a legal case be cause MDC’s agenda should not be decided by Zanu Pf judges. We have chosen to operate as separate bodies we accept that lets move on.
May 30th, 2006 at 4:59 pm
Hi David,
You have just made one of the biggest mistakes in your political career. You were one of my heroes until today. Unfortunately you may never win any election with that bunch sellouts. You know very well that, in a struggle, principles maybe sacrificed sometimes.
The neutral position was a lot better David!
Sorry to see you go.
jhgh
May 30th, 2006 at 5:02 pm
Dear Coltat
This is a nice piece. I wish to congradulate you for not falling prey to politics of numbers or the judascariot of present who can sell their people for money and power.
However there are other factors that come to play in our Zimbabwean politics.The issue of our violent culture, violence has always been our culture. I believe it is still playing its role to date.
I believe most people who have been following the Opposition MDC will agree with you in most issues.
Over and above the MDC divorce has real send Zimbabwe ten years back. It is a blow to see a party that had managed to bring ZANU PF at check point divorce at such a crucial time.
Over and above the sacrifice by the people of Zimbabwe between 2000 and now. The lives that were lost and the people that ran away to seek refuge in other countries.
On violence, we need to modernise our culture as a people. I know it is very difficult to achieve in days or months or years as it is part of our heritance but its not impossible.
Thank you
May 30th, 2006 at 5:17 pm
David
Iam one the millions of zimbabweans who admire the effort, courage and level-headedness over the last 7 months. I am sure that most reasonable zimbabweans regret the split just like you and me.
However I am deeply disappointed that you have taken the stance you have, perhaps its because we have widely been misled into believing that the reason for the split was the Pro-Anti senate issue yet there have been underlying issues.
So my question then is what is the next step for you and what factrs will influence that decision?
While I believe that you are not as naive as to be blind by ‘impressive’ CVs being advertised everywhere beside yours is more practical and impressive. Also will geography be a factor? and ,will you be part of this proposed ‘rainbow’ coalition. And finally will standing as an independent not be a de-service to the electorate?
May 31st, 2006 at 2:12 pm
The article you wrote was very incisive, some quick points, (i) on the question of violence how does the Arthur faction reconcile with ‘thugs’ (oops) like Hon Sikhala who are well known vanguards of violence, since he was a student leader he has alwys dealt with ‘opponents’ using violence, routinely he tells everyone that if you contest in ‘my’ constituency you will be ‘killed’, (ii) it is well known that Hon Sikhala keeps an ‘army’ of drunk youths as his ’security’ - some MDC actvists have even died from tha violence, in all his submissions he believes the MDC must violently confront the regime(witness the burning of buses etc), (iii) Arthur has declared that they (read he) are the foundations of jambanja, what does this mean, does this not mean the violent overthrow of the regim? I am at pains trying to conclude that the split was about principle, it was about personal ambition gone wrong.
As for your decison not to joing MT it is very tactful, you are not a fool, you would not win that sit if you departed from Welshman.
May 31st, 2006 at 4:23 pm
Excellent - I am in full resonance with the ideas expressed in this article. Zimbabweans should seriously think about violence in their own lives. Many seemingly respectable people in high positions beat their spouses at home. Violence has indeed become part of the national psyche, and it must be fully confronted.
Charan Muzaya, UK
May 31st, 2006 at 6:36 pm
Well Spoken. I pray God will give us the wisdom to lead us into a new Zimbabwe of non violence.
June 2nd, 2006 at 12:46 am
I thought you respect the opinions of others,the same way you beg to differ with others on the MDC split.Regrettably David,if you delete comments which criticise you,Im sorry it is hard to agree to views you raise.
Have balance sir,be humble and honest and publish comments which criticise you as well,like mine and others you got rid off.Thats where democracy starts and not only in parliament
Thanks
June 2nd, 2006 at 11:23 am
Dear David
I just want to point out to you that in as much as I respected you as an MDC MP,your analysis and catalogue of events on the above story lack honesty and integrity!
Ofcourse violence can not be codorned…but why make NOISE now honourable MP.In anycase after the submission of your so called constitution…dodgy for that matter…in which you mentioned of a “Degreed President” we the povo became suspicious of you.You have always haboured evil feelings torwards the President of the party….and it remains your dermocratic right to form,….join,….any party of your choice….BUT PLEASE REFRAIN FROM REBRANDING OTHER PEOPLE’S PARTIES…!Tichasangana pama votes….!Lets hope you wont get a lift in an old 504 Peugeot….!!!!
June 2nd, 2006 at 8:40 pm
Thanks for revealing where you belong. i think you have been man enough not to try a middle of the road policy in circumstances in which your conscience thought otherwise.You are not a political commentator but a member of a political party/faction who should tore a party/faction vision in its endevour to bring democracy to Zimbabwe. So do not hide behind the fence but go on to the frontline and confront the real enemy, ZANU PF. History will judge you.
June 5th, 2006 at 8:12 pm
Dear David, I have just read your article and am behind you in everything you have said. I recognise that I have no power to change anything of myself, but I do believe in the power of prayer. It was very encouraging to see the results of prayer in the peaceful commemorative march, and that against a climate of fear and possible violence. Our God reigns and your article is honouring to God alone who is able to do far more exceeding abundantly above all that we can ask or think. May you continue in your courageous position, and I pray that many will heed your call for eschewing violence in any form. Blessings, Madeline
June 5th, 2006 at 8:20 pm
Messages received by David Coltart:-
Amina Frense - Congratulations on your highly principled position and your tireless efforts to bring about a culture of human rights and democracy. Wish you all the best, under very provocative conditions.
Christopher Muzavazi - I write to congratulate you on your recent article published on NewZimbabwe.Com website.
While the article more or less details the problems of proper conduct within the MDC, my interest lies with your attempt to instill the value of non violence in the country’s politic.
I am not an MDC supporter, but I feel that your proposition needs serious deliberation; not only within MDC but across the entire country’s political and even civic spectrum (I read that there was some violence at the recent NCA congress).
Your analogy of Zimbabweans as alcoholics in denial is assuming but its seriousness cannot be understated. This is why I am dismayed at the abuse you are receiving on some of the pro MDC news website (see Zim Daily 31.05.06).
At a given time, I was tempted to write a feature article suggesting that Zimbabwean politics needs anger management therapy. However being based abroad, my attention was diverted by other matters.
I would like to encourage you, Mr Coltart to seek a broader coalition, beyond the MDC and to include ZANU PF parliamentarians to promote this value.
From my experience working in the media in Zimbabwe in the 1980s (I worked in Bulawayo 1980 -1988), ZANU PF would not be averse to it. There are some people in ZANU PF who would readily share that value (I know that Emmerson Mnangwagwa was opposed to death penalty, arising from his personal experience). By seeking to belittle your proposition of non violence in politics, the MDC has lost an opportunity to introduce a progressive value in Zimbabwean politics.
Rodgers Svovah (England) - I was deeply moved by your article that appeared in today’s issue of New Zimbabwe. You really do care about democracy. Surely Zimbabwe will be better off if we only we could get at least 3 other people so committed to democracy like you. You are so innocent and very straight forward. Your constituency should really be proud of you. Surely there must be light at the end our country’s dark tunnel with people like you in the driving seat.
I just hope you keep on writing articles like these as they help teach people what democracy means and also make them remember what we are fighting for in Zimbabwe. God bless you.
Upenyu Chikozho - You confused some like me whose English is second language. You said you have two options MDC Harvest House and MDC Hebert Chitepo. You are not swayed by numbers nor by the mountain to be climbed. If I heard you, you are never going to join MDC Harvest, so am I right to conclude you are making efforts to be with the elite group of professors. If so could it be true you had wanted Morgan to go when as the legal secretary you either drafted or oversaw the drafting of the constitutional amendment that sort to isolate non graduates from contesting the office of the president. Thank you for your contribution to the liberation still underway.
Pastor Matthew Nyoni - Thank you for firstly, for this website I have no doubt about the Commitment that you have for Zimbabwe and general mankind. I have no doubt that you are a principled God fearing man who is prepared to stand by what is right. The situation in Zimbabwe is desperate, however that does not mean we should be desperate enough to use violence as a means of achieving a solution for our nation. Africa is ravaged today because of some politicians who have refused to accept non-violence as a weapon .The result is anarchy i.e. in Somalia. Our Lord Jesus should be our example; he conquered the devil (an all time tyrant, thug, murderer, dictator, far worse than Mugabe) without an army or weapons of this world. All he came to do he did that through peaceful means. I therefore encourage you to stand for the truth it is only a matter of time before people say that you were right. Don’t be discouraged to give up the good work you are doing. Remember when good men keep quite evil prevails. God bless you we are praying for you. From Pastor Matthew Nyoni, Bradford, England
Ngonjo - I totally sympathize with your sentiments about which faction is what and would like also to thank u 4 the work u did to try and bring these guys together. I am Zimbo living abroad and would like to encourage u not to give up hope. I am surprised that here in the UK there are factions as well, even though none of us here will ever see a ballot paper! So good luck and job well done so far
mhata - Uri mhata yemunhu. Unoda kuzviita ani iwewe? Go back to Britain you patronizing Rhodie. Bulawayo and Zimbabwe is not for racists, it’s for Zimbabweans.
mkhululi moyo - I salute you dear Coltart say to you keep up that principled political stand. We really need people like you if we are to have the political maturity and tolerance that we so cherished when we left for Zambia and Mozambique.
Dr Onias Mangena - Your article entitled “The reason why I cannot join the Tsvangirai faction” is an eye opener. I cannot see how that kind of leadership qualifies for presidency of a country. I have been out of politics since we gained independence and I find the present situation as revealed in your article absolutely frightening. Suffice to say you are to be congratulated for exposing this illness in our society. The question is whether the ordinary folk really understand the kind of leadership they have and how the nation could assist Mr Tsvangirai to mend his ways. Frankly after reading your paper I can understand why Tsvangirai does not appear to have a viable economic regeneration policy for the country. I am saddened by this article.
Tapera Kapuya - I have just been reading your article online issues pertaining to violence in the democratic movement. I salute your courage and principled leadership.
The incidence of abusing young people and in the process entrenching a culture of violence (which in our case is associated with first dosing youth with alcohol and drugs) is a threat to the lasting ideal of democracy and social/cultural progress. The complicity of our leaders, by silence and tacit support, serves to rehabilitate the circle of violence and undemocratic practice.
I work with the World Youth Movement for Democracy and in my experiences from interaction with other young democracy activists around the world, the trend is the same: a complete disregard of the lasting effects generational disruption caused by such influences. It will take men and women of principle and ethical leadership, individuals who are prepared to face the isolation as they find new ground for the goal of freedom and development to be achieved.
Thank you for being a model for some of us. I dearly respect you,
Regards and keep strong
Tapera Kapuya (Council Member, World Youth Movement for Democracy Fellow, Southern Africa/US Center for Leadership and Public Values)
wedjerayi mabandi - I would like to support your article on why you cannot join Morgan’s faction and I would like to go on record and say violence is not the answer. People must be informed of every little problem that is affecting the party and any attempt of paying allegiance to people that promote or defend violent acts must be condemned and the people be named and shamed.
Please keep up your good work and I support your views.
joel brown sifuya - As June approaches, with its graduation ceremonies and speeches, a thought suggests itself… Whatever career you may choose for yourself doctor, lawyer, teacher, let me propose an avocation to be pursued along with it. Become a dedicated fighter for civil rights. Make it a central part of your life. It will make you a better doctor, a better lawyer, a better teacher. It will enrich your spirit as nothing else possibly can. It will give you that rare sense of nobility that can only spring from love and selflessly helping your fellow man. Make a career of humanity. Commit yourself to the noble struggle for human rights. You will make a greater person of yourself, a greater nation of your country, and a finer world to live in.
– Martin Luther King, Jr., 18th April, 1959
I find this fitting and relevant.
Ben - Your mediation efforts should have started by conducting a referendum on what the OWNERS of MDC really wanted. All the people who attended the 12/10/05 meeting were only REPRESENTATIVES and NOT OWNERS of MDC. What did the people who voted for you actually say on this issue? Did you care to find out about their views? If you organised a rally today in Bulawayo South Constituency, how will the people react to the 12/10/05 events?
S. Dube - Well written speech, but is it not you the author of a constitution requiring a president with a degree. I think that is were the split came from, you intellects just wanted to use the majority to prop yourselves into politics period. The brainless can think!! Never under-rate them with academic rhetoric
Thulani Nkala - I am somewhat disappointed at you. In your analysis of non-violence and the justification to it, you mentioned the name you did not need to, the name of King Lobengula. In the same article you failed to mention Robert Mugabe’s name and also failed to mention any former White colonialist’s name.
Otherwise your analysis is a breath of fresh air; it is refreshing to read such an articulate and eloquent article.
Keep up the good work although we are diametrically opposite when it comes to politics, you are for Zimbabwe and I am for Mthwakazi, that is exactly why I respect my Kings so much, that that I would not allow nor accept anyone justifying his political theories to use their names in vain as to justify his re-entry to active politics.
Thomas Chirasha - Having read your reasons for not joining the Tsvangirai faction, I have developed immense respect for you for taking such a principled stand – in something not very common and known among African politicians. I believe people’s representatives, human as they are, should have higher levels of personal integrity so that we can believe in them and identify with causes and methods for goal attainment that they set out for us. You have shown that you are not swayed by personal gain, the mood of the time or populist ideas at the expense of sound principles that are sustainable and are for the public good. Zimbabweans’ reaction to your principled stand will prove whether they deserve good men of your caliber or the self-serving typical African politicians who lack integrity and insist on their right to destroy the little that we have.
Kathy Sibanda - I read with so much interest your autobiography, your history and all you have done and continue to do for Zimbabwe. I am one of the young children born in Zimbabwe living in the diaspora now (UK) who never know was happening except that every price went up everyday, and I couldn’t afford anything anymore. Having left home, we have nothing but are exposed to reading any article from home just in case things are getting better, hence all your articles, in the papers like newzimbabwe.com, your website which is brilliant and other papers. It is then that we get to know about you and we love you David. Please keep it up; you are our D. Tutu of our country
It is amazing to know that there are still white Zimbabweans actively and appropriately and involved in politics like you, with all its unsafety.
It takes a big heart you have, may God guard and bless you and your family and give you the courage to continue with your hard work always. If you need support somehow we are, feel free.
Mjanja Tinashe - I respect all your views about the need to break up the cycle of violence inherent in Morgan’s camp. However, with all due respect I have got a problem with your propagandist approach you are taking as if you are Mutambara’s spin doctor. Personally I agree with Biti when he questioned about your sincerity in bringing the feuding parties to the table.
You claim that violence was used to remove the white minority rule. Please stop treating Zimbabweans as people who do not think lest you wanna call me racist. It is no secrete that you waged biological warfare to the innocent sons and daughters and the atrocities you committed can be equated only to a genocide. And who were the perpetrators of violence? You conscience should know I guess. Let alone knowing fully well that you benefited from the hand of reconciliation which was extended by the revolutionist turned dictator. Just learn to shut up.
Hence, be Mutambara’s chief spokesman or legal advisor without making a lot of noise man. Then people will respect you for who you are but not to gain cheap mileage by blowing out of proportion isolated incidences of violence as though the house is on fire. Look at the mitigating factors which led to Morgan presumably turn a blind eye on violence. Though it can not be condoned but let me hasten to say that the man tried under difficult circumstances with uncooperative subordinates like you only eager to back stab him. That’s why I and my fellow countrymen continue to vote for even Chisvuure despite the fact that you allege that he was once reprimanded due to acts of violence.
I rest my case but learn to shut up you selous scout.
Unkown - you are hero among heroes
Panyo Pako - Go back to Britain, foolish racist patronizing Rhodie. Zimbabweans don’t owe you a living. Why are you running away from your white Europe anywhere?
June 5th, 2006 at 8:43 pm
Tawanda Hove - Violence is wrong no matter who perpetrates it. For that reason before I join any other political grouping I will want assurances that there will be a zero tolerance attitude displayed towards violence and that an independent commission of enquiry be set up to investigate all past violence. I too am concerned about the use of the word “jambanja” and have already voiced my concern. As for personal ambition – it must be obvious to all that the Tsvangirai faction enjoys majority support in the opposition at present so my decision goes against the flow and hardly guarantees victory in any seat contested in future.
Charan Muzaya - I am pleased you have made mention of domestic violence. Zimbabwe has an unusually high incidence of domestic violence which is directly the result of our long standing culture of political violence and impunity. Unless we deal with political violence by holding those responsible for it accountable we will never be able to tackle the scourge of domestic violence. This should be an issue that concerns all democrats, especially women
Farai - The next step for me is to continue with a process of consultation in my constituency and amongst the many people both within Zimbabwe and beyond who have supported me over the years. This is not an easy decision for me – my first choice obviously would have been to remain within a united MDC but that is not possible. Geography is obviously a factor – as they “all politics is local” and if I cannot count on the support of a majority of genuine people within my constituency then I will have a hard time of it. I agree that standing as an independent will probably be a disservice to the electorate and in any event that would be difficult constitutionally.
Ndaba Gwebu - My intention was not to criticize or single out Lobengula who is obviously revered as the last King of the Ndebele. My intention was to point out that we as a nation have for decades used violence to achieve political objectives and it is time we try to stop doing so.
J Rukanda - The vote on the 12th October was entirely constitutional in my view no matter what the rights and wrongs of the decision taken may be. But that is all now water under the bridge and I agree that we must move on and not retard the struggle for democracy any further.
Rodgers Svovah - Thank you for your deeply appreciated words of encouragement. This is sometimes a lonely battle as people see all sorts of hidden agendas in what one does. So it is nice when someone like you just takes me on my word.
Best wishes, David
Upenyu Chikozho - Thank you for taking the time to write. Just one point I need to clarify. I did not put in the clause re the University degree - that was put in the draft which reflected the views expressed by the people in the document “What the people want”. Ironically I was the one who took it out before it was tabled in Parliament as I knew it was wrong and did not reflect MDC policy, or my own personal views for that matter. Both Tendai Biti and Sheila Jarvis of Lawyers for Human Rights can and I am sure will confirm this.
Regards, David
Pastor Matthew Nyoni - Thank you for your words of encouragement which mean a great deal to me. I have received a lot of hate mail so this makes for a welcome change.
Best wishes, David
Ngonjo - Thank you for your words of encouragement which mean a great deal to me.
Best wishes, David
Mhata - I agree with you that Bulawayo and Zimbabwe are not for racists – I reject racism in any form and think it a blight on our history. I am a Zimbabwean, born in Zimbabwe and proud of it. My African roots go back to 1820 (not anywhere as deep as yours but as deep as most non indigenous Americans and far deeper than most “African English people”) – ask black Englishmen whether they think they do not have any right to speak about politics in the UK and I think you will find you will get a very sharp reply from them all. I know that whites in southern Africa do not have a proud record because of apartheid and discriminatory practices and I am ashamed of that past (and have said so publicly in Parliament – read my debate on the Detainees Act) – but don’t paint us all with the same brush. Some of us are genuinely committed to Africa and Zimbabwe and count ourselves as citizens and feel deeply (just as much as a patriot like you does) about the crisis our nation faces.
Thanks, David
Ben - Thank you for writing. I did in fact conduct several consultation meetings in my constituency prior top the 12th October. Surprisingly in these meetings an overwhelming majority wanted us to participate. I do not think the same applies today because people did not realise, nor did I, that this issue would split the party.
Regards, David
S Dube - Thank you for making contact. One of the deliberate misconceptions put out there, which obviously you believe, is that I drafted a constitution which prevented those without academic degrees from standing for the Presidency. That is false - ironically I was the one who took that clause out after it had been inserted by lawyers following the views expressed by people in the “What the people want” document. Both Tendai Biti and Sheila Jarvis of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights can confirm this.
Regards, David
Thulani Nkala - Thank you for your comments. My intention was not to besmirch King Lobengula’s name - my point was simply that this use of violence has been going on for a long time and that it is time we tried to bring an end to it.
Best wishes, David
Unknown “you are hero among heroes” - The real heroes are the poor unemployed and working class people of Zimbabwe who do not have the security I have and yet who are absolutely committed to confronting this regime using peaceful and non violent means.
Kind regards, David
Panyo Pako - I agree with you that Zimbabwe is not for racists – I reject racism in any form and think it a blight on our history. I am a Zimbabwean, born in Zimbabwe and proud of it. My African roots go back to 1820 (not anywhere as deep as yours but as deep as most non indigenous Americans and far deeper than most “African English people”) – ask black Englishmen whether they think they do not have any right to speak about politics in the UK and I think you will find you will get a very sharp reply from them all. I know that whites in southern Africa do not have a proud record because of apartheid and discriminatory practices and I am ashamed of that past (and have said so publicly in Parliament – read my debate on the Detainees Act) – but don’t paint us all with the same brush. Some of us are genuinely committed to Africa and Zimbabwe and count ourselves as citizens and feel deeply (just as much as a patriot like you does) about the crisis our nation faces.
Thanks, David
June 8th, 2006 at 7:55 pm
Absmaf - I have not just made noise now. I first raised my concerns with the party leadership 4 years ago and on this particular issue raised the issue stridently in our meetings held on the 25th June and 15th July 2005. I warned then that if this issue was not resolved it would damage if not destroy the party. I suggest you read the full text of my statement made on the 15th July.
As for the “degreed President” issue – the irony is that I was the person who took that clause OUT of the draft after it had been put in by other lawyers. Morgan Tsvangirai knows that as does Tendai Biti.
Juggler36 - I will continue opposing Zanu PF as I have done consistently for the last 23 years.
June 20th, 2006 at 12:10 pm
david am strigtly behind you as you know what iwent through and what we went through in the name of MDC and how difficult our constituence was ihave been in the fence as well waiting to here your responce on this issue as it is some of us were forced to leave beloved zimbabwe aftere sacrifiecing our lives and this is the sort of comfort we have were by people forget that they are people like patrick nyamabanyama who up to now are still missing we can not manage to have chefs in the MDC we must have fellow activists like what i was realiesing MDC was turning into a little ZANU PF with people claiming chefships as i once indicated this struggle is a long and tire some route some will fall on the but as i veid your dicision as ihave been putting you on the spot light to see which fiction please get me right am not following you just because you white or you are my MP but the fact that as someone i started the struggle with i now your conscience keep the good work guqula izenzo izenzo guqula
June 29th, 2006 at 11:28 pm
David
Like the four million others from Zimbabwe, I live outside the country. Like many other Zimbabweans, as an immigrant living in a new place, I have had to adapt to a new culture, language, and social structure. However, I gained work experience, improved my skills (lawyer) came into contact with other international groups living abroad. One day, we will all come back.
We will bring with us all that we have acquired. This will make our country rich in skills, prosperous with the opportunities we develop and this way, guarantee food on the plate of every Zimbabwean. By ensuring our people’s basic needs are catered for, we will achieve social justice: there is a future. There is a whole silent generation of people waiting to act. You are not alone. What we do need is a strong alliance, even if made up of different parties. In European politics this is not uncommon. Such an umbrella organisation is the only hope of swift, sweeping and urgent change. Clearly, this needs to happen before we become a colonial outpost to Beijing.
July 5th, 2006 at 3:05 am
Thankyou David for giving so frankly the reasons for your joining the Mutambara faction.
I met Tsvangirai two years ago and talked to him for an hour or so. At that time I was very impressed with his stance and he certainly said all the right things. For a long time I assumed his heart was in the right place even when those around me said the MDC was a disaster waiting to happen. In all honesty I just feel dispair and anguish at these revelations, though I am very glad that you have made them. How are the MDC going to be any different to Zanu PF if they can;t even be different in the context of their own home. I respect you for this, and realise from today on that if I support any party, I would rather it was a party that contained someone like yourself that is capable of coming out and whistle blowing. thankyou.
September 24th, 2006 at 12:49 pm
Hie David
I am a black Zimbabwean who has been following your journey in the MDC party that you helped to form.You are a passionate and caring Zimbabwean. I think you are a man of integrity and honour. You genuinely care about the people with no doubt. Dont let anything put you down in the fight for democracy. I wish you all the best and your family. We LOVE YOU lots! and support you.
December 28th, 2006 at 7:25 pm
The reasons for the split in the MDC are numerous and complex. It has become a deeply emotive issue and many are so entrenched (MY OPINION)in their positions that they have stopped listening TO ME AND IT’s BEGINNING TO ANNOY ME INTENSELY. THE REASON IS THAT I AM ALWAYS RIGHT AND EVERYONE ELSE IS ALWAYS WRONG……. a bit like mugabe hey?
Dear Peter
I enjoy your dry sense of humour - and of course there is a good deal of truth in what you say. Sadly we have all spent too little time listening to each other. But we are now starting to listen and if we continue this and act on the valid concerns raised by others we may yet emerge with a strong opposition to tackle the brutal Zanu PF regime.
Regards,
David
December 29th, 2006 at 9:44 am
Dear Mr Coltart,
It is just so noticeable that you remove any comment which doesn’t fit your comfort zone. So if one reads all the comments above, one would get the distinct impression that you are marvelous. The problem is that you are definitely censoring content to suit yourself. Isn’t that what zanuPF does? If you are censoring, then you no better than the rest of them.
What exactly is the purpose of your website? Is it to present filtered and sanitised content?
regards,
Sally
March 22nd, 2007 at 9:48 pm
i am typical yong zimbabwean who fled the violance and represion in 2003 and have lived in Englad for several years. I would like to now why we zimbabweans with the intelagece power and means to appose mugbe in his propaganda war with an oficial high profile web site where stories and facts about our cuntry can be exchanged intanationly, donations and general support for each other, to help us all through this rough time.
i know infomation in zimbabwe is limated but the external suport and solidarity from ex zimbabweans every where could help in its own way. if you know of 1 pleas let me now
August 31st, 2007 at 6:44 pm
Hon. Coltart
Where do you premise the Zimbabwe search for progress in the light of the recent efforts to replace your MDC with some carefully selected SiNdebele speakers by so called powerful forces ? Why is your MDC quieter than the Madhuku supported one ?
Once again I want to extend an invitation to your party from ZAPU -FP to explore possibilities of working together for a brighter Zimbabwe.